Livy : with an English translation

THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

FOUNDED BY JAMKS LOEB, LL.D.

EDITED BY
fT. E. PAGE, C.H., LITT.D.

E. CAPPS, PH.D., LL.D. W. H. D. ROUSE, litt.d.

LIVY

XI

BOOKS XXXVI II— XXXIX

'livIUl'

LIVY

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
EVAN T. SAGE, Ph.D.

PROFESSOR OP LATIN AND HEAD OF THE DEPARTMENT OF
CLASSICS IN THE UNIVERSITY OP PITTSBURaFI

IN THIRTEEN VOLUMES
XI

BOOKS XXXVIII— XXXIX

3/..

3Mi'^.

3

LONDON

WILLIAM HEINEiMANN LTD

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

MCM XXXVI

PA

PrintHl in Great Britain

CONTENTS

PAGE

editors' note vii

translator's preface ix

INTRODUCTORY NOTE xi

BOOK XXXVIII 1

SUMMARY OF BOOK XXXVIII . .213

BOOK XXXIX 217

SUMMARY OF BOOK XXXIX . 401

INDEX OF NAMES 405

MAPS —

1. NORTHERN ITALY At end

2. GREECE AND ASIA MINOR „

3. SPAIN „

4. ASIA MINOR „

EDITORS' NOTE

Professor Evan T. Sage, the editor of this and the
two preceding vohimes of the Loeb edition of Livy,
died in the Barnes Hospital, Saint Louis, after a
severe surgical operation, on May 30, 1936. He was
entering upon his fifty-sixth year, having been born
May 16, 1881. A native of Nebraska, his under-
graduate studies were pursued at the University of
Nebraska, from which he received his first degree.
He then entered the University of Chicago, which
conferred upon him in 1906 the degree of Doctor of
Philosophy. After teaching in the State Univer-
sities of Idaho and Washington he was called to the
University of Pittsburgh in 1913. There he worked
with marked success, both as a teacher of Latin and
as the directing head of the Department of Classics.

Professor Sage's scholarly pursuits lay in two dis-
tinct and unrelated fields — history, particularly the
constitutional and political history of the last two
centuries of Republican Rome, and palaeography and
textual criticism, these centring about Petronius.
He had personally collated most of the manuscripts
of this author and had acquired during several
periods of investigation in the libraries of Europe
not only a large apparatus for reconstituting the text
of Petronius but also an intimate knowledge of the
habits and methods of work of the classical scholars
of the Renaissance.

vii

EDITORS' NOTE

Before his death Professor Sage had read all the
proofs of the present volume at least once ; he had
also prepared the critical notes and a considerable
portion of the translation of the rest of Livy from
Book XL on. It will be the task of another editor
to fill in the gap between Volume V, where Professor
Foster left off, and Vol. IX, where Professor Sage
began.

The Editors.
Sepiernber 21, 1936.

vni

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

This preface should be brief. The Books contained
in Volume XI deal with minor matters, and Livy
feels himself more at leisure, so that he can include
anecdotes and digressions. Another possible con-
sequence is that Livy, having less of moment to
relate, felt able to examine details more closely and
to compare his sources more consciously. This may
be the explanation of the appearance here of the one
serious bit of historical criticism to be found in Livy
(XXXIX. lii).

The textual problem grows more serious in this
Volume. Our best MS., B, now breaks off with inci
(XXXVIII. xlvi. 4). The major difference between my
text and that of the latest revision of Weissenborn—
Mliller is that I have occasionally restored readings
of B, and I believe that careful examination will
reveal more readings which should be received into
the text. But there are many indications that the
consensus of the minor MSS. is of almost equal
value, although we lack the precision of information
that is necessary before accepting this as a principle
of textual criticism in the case of Livy. It would
be fortunate if this were so. But the individual
minor MSS. do not always agree among themselves,
and I have usually accepted and reported as the
reading off the reading of the majority of the MSS.,

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

so far as I could determine it from the reports
accessible to me. In this part of the text I have
preferred readings of M, where reported, and have
restored some \nthout remark. A more difficult
question is the relative authority of certain sixteenth-
century editions which are presumably based, at
least in part, on 3f and possibly on the lost S{jpirensis).
The frequent references of Gelenius to " antiqua
scriptura," " archetypa," " ex archetypis," " vetusti
codices " and the like are exasperating in their
sugo^estion of buried treasures M'hich seem the more
valuable as they are at present lost to us. In prac-
tice I have followed 3/ where it was reported, r
when there was no report of M, and have furnished
critical notes on passages where r was preferred to
yi or the sixteenth-century editions or later
conjectures were preferred to Mt-

My obligations as to index, maps, incidental
assistance, and editorial aid and encouragement are
unchanged. No repetition of details would prove
an adequate expression of my debts.

New bibliography is covered in the notes, which
I have tried to make useful from the historical
standpoint, as before, and from the literary stand-
point as well.

CONSPECTUS SIGLORUM

B = Codex Bambergensis M. IV. 9, s. 11.

F = Codex Bambergensis Q. I\'. 27 (Theol. 99), s. 6.

3/= Codex Moguntinus deperditus, s. 9 (?).

f =: Codices deteriores et editiones veteres (the

most important early editions are cited by

name).

X

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

By the year 189 b.c. a Roman optimist (if such an
one existed) might well have said that Rome's eastern
difficulties were over : Philip had been reduced to
impotence by Flamininus ; the Aetolians had been
severely punished ; now Antiochus had been
eliminated as a factor in Asian politics by Scipio.
The only other eastern powers demanding con-
sideration, Egypt, Pergamum and Rhodes, were
Rome's allies and the last two were deeply in Rome's
debt by reason of the projected settlement of Asia.
Yet at the same moment a Roman pessimist might
have argued just as insistently that her troubles in
the east were just beginning, Asia, he would have
admitted, presented no threatening problem. Philip
had been allowed to regain some of his lost Greek
possessions as compensation for his assistance
against the Aetolians and Antiochus. The Aetolians
had been defeated but not crushed completely, and
their fundamental grievance, that they had been
ill-treated after the victory over Philip, had not been
removed. Perhaps most serious of all was the fact
that Rome had no real base of operations east of
the Adriatic : this was a theoretically laudable, but
practically unfortunate, consequence of her desire to
avoid assuming territorial responsibilities in the east.

Within Europe there were numerous situations

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

any one of which might provoke a war. In the
Peloponnesus there was the Achaean-Lacedae-
monian problem, since Rome had never pronounced
judgment on the Achaean policy after the murder
of Nabis. In the north there was the constant
hostility of the Aetolians, rendered for the moment
more serious because of the recent Macedonian
expansion. These were only the most apparent
dangers. Whether Rome honestly believed that a
conquered nation could remain conquered and sub-
missive after the withdrawal of Roman troops is a
question which we are unable to answer ; whether
she honestly believed that the Greek states were
capable, at this time, of self-government is also a
question to which there is no answer. I fear that
Roman generals, ambitious for triumphs and material
rewards, were quite ^^'illing to defer as long as
possible a definitive settlement in Greece for the
sake of the fairly easy victories that were promised.

In Asia, the withdrawal of Antiochus left a multi-
tude of unsolved problems, and the solution of some
of these soon appeared to be exceedingly profitable
undertakings : the Galatian campaign will serve as
a sufficient example.

Another solution of the eastern problem might
have been the enlargement of some one state, bound
firmly by ties of alliance and dependence to Rome,
which could have dominated the eastern Medi-
terranean and by virtue of her military superiority
have maintained peace there. If Rome looked for
such a state she failed to find one that could be so
enlarged and could still be trusted. There was
nothing left for Rome, apart from the cynically
brutal course of allo^^■ing the eastern states to

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

destroy one another, except to assume the informal
protectorate which she does insensibly assume in
the years covered by this Volume.

There seems little doubt that public sentiment
would have rejected such a settlement as a formal
occupation of Greece and Asia had it been proposed
in Rome. But, in addition to sincere differences of
opinion among Romans, there was an almost
unanimous sentiment, which seems to increase in
strength, that in some form or other Roman control
of the east w^as necessary. But so great was the
Romans' faith in Roman power that they were inclined
to cut through diplomatic and political red tape and
announce decisions in a form so categorically brief
as to be unintelligible to others who were not Romans.
One suspects that the Romans talked in riddles so
frequently because they were not themselves sure
of what they meant. It was easier to let time decide
the exact interpretation and to punish the unfor-
tunates who had in the meantime misunderstood.

The Books contained in this Volume record events
of a period of transition. With no major enemy to
confront her, Rome turns her attention to smaller
problems. Little tasks are performed by little
men, who strive through partisan politics to make
themselves and their achievements seem g-reat.

LIVY

FROM THE FOUNDING OF THE CITY
BOOK XXXVIII

VOL. XI.

T. LIVI

AB URBE CONDITA
LIBER XXXVIII

I. DuM in Asia bellum geritur, ne in Aetolia
quidem res quietae fuerant,. principio a gente Atha-

2 manum orto. Athamania ea tempestate pulso Amy-
nandro sub praefectis ^ Philippi regio tenebatur prae-
sidio, qui superbo atque immodico imperio desiderium

3 Amynandri fecerant. Exulanti turn ^ Amynandro in
Aetolia litteris suorum. indicantium statum Atha-

4 maniae, spes recuperandi regni facta est. Remissique
ab eo nuntiant principibus Argitheam — id enim
caput Athamaniae erat — si popularium animos satis
perspectos haberet, impetrato ab Aetolis auxilio in
Athamaniam se venturum. Non diffidere sibi facile
conventurum ^ cum delectis, quod consilium est ^

5 gentis, et Xicandro praetore. Quos ubi ad omnia

^ praefectis r : praefecto B.

2 exulanti turn r : exiilantium B.

3 venturum. non diffidere sibi facile conventurum JjI.
Mudler : uenturum BMr.

* est Madvig : esset J5r.

^ The events here described belong to the previous year.
2

LIVY

FROM THE FOUNDING OF THE CITY

BOOK XXXVIII

I, While the war in Asia was in progress, there was b.c. li
no peace in Aetoha either/ the trouble having been
begun by the Athamanian people. Athamania at
that time, after the expulsion of Amynander,^ was
held by royal garrisons under the prefects of Philip,
and they, by their arrogant and lawless admini-
stration, had created a longing for Amynander.
Amynander, who was then an exile in Aetolia, was
inspired by the letters of his partisans, who described
to him the state of affairs in Athamania, with the
hope of recovering his kingdom. His agents, too,
sent with his reply to the chiefs at Argithea — for
this is the capital of Athamania — announced that
if he perceived clearly enough the sentiments of his
countrymen he would obtain the aid of the Aetolians
and proceed to Athamania. They said that he had
no doubt that he would easily come to an agreement
with the chosen persons ^ who comprise the council
of the people and with the praetor Nicander. When

2 Cf. XXXVI. xiv. 9.

3 The apodeti (XXXV. xxxiv. 2, etc.).

b2

LIVY

■p. paratos esse vidit, certiores suos subinde ^ facit quo
die cum exercitu Athamaniam ingressurus esset.

6 Quattuor primo fuerunt coniurati adversus Mace-
donuni praesidium. Hi senos sibi adiutores ad rem
gerendam assumpserunt ; ^ dein paucitate parum
freti, quae ^ eelandae rei quam agendae aptior erat,

7 parem priori numerum adiecerunt. Ita duo et
quinquaginta facti quadrifariam se diviserunt ; pars
una Heracleam, altera Tetraphyliam petit, ubi
custodia regiae pecuniae esse solita * erat, tertia

8 Theudoriam, quarta Argitheam. Ita inter omnes
convenit ut primo quieti,^ velut ad privatam rem
agendam venissent, in foro obversarentur ; die certa
multitudinem omnem ^ convocarent ad praesidia

9 Macedonum arcibus expellenda. Ubi ea dies advenit,
et Amynander cum mille Aetolis in finibus erat, ex
composito quattuor simul locis praesidia Macedonum
expulsa, litteraeque in alias urbes passim dimissae
ut vindicarent sese ab impotenti dominatione
Philippi et restituerent in patrium ac legitimum

10 regnum. Undique Macedones expelluntur. Theium "^
oppidum litteris a Xenone praefecto praesidii inter-
ceptis ^ et arce ab regiis occupata paucos dies obsi-

11 dentibus restitit ; deinde id quoque traditum

^ suos subinde H. J. MudUr : subinde B.

2 assumpserunt ~ : consumpserunt B.

3 quae r : quod B.

* esse solita r : om. B.

'" primo quieti edd. vett. : prima quietem B.

^ omnem r : omnes B.

BOOK XXXVIII. I. 5-1 1

he learned that they were ready for any event, b.c. 189
he at once informed his friends on what day he
would arrive in Athamania at the head of an army.
At first there were four who had conspired against
the Macedonian garrison. Each of these chose
six assistants to aid in carrying out their plan ; then,
lacking confidence by reason of their small number,
which was better suited to concealment than to
action, they added a number equal to that which
they had first enlisted. Their number having thus
become two and fifty, they divided themselves into
four sections ; one proceeded to Heraclea, one to
Tetraphylia, which was the usual storehouse of the
royal wealth, the third to Theudoria, the fourth to
Argithea. It had been agreed upon among them
all that at first they should move about quietly in
the market-place as if they were engaged in trans-
acting private business ; that on the appointed day
they should summon the whole population to drive
the Macedonian garrisons from the citadels. When
this day came and Amynander with a thousand
Aetolians was at the frontiers, according to agreement
the Macedonian garrisons were expelled from the
four places at once, and a despatch was sent in all
directions to the other towns, summoning them to
free themselves from the headstrong rule of Philip
and to return to their hereditary and lawful sove-
reign. On all sides the Macedonians were expelled.
The town of Theium, since the despatch had been
intercepted by Xeno, the prefect of the garrison,
and the citadel had been seized by the king's troops,
held out for a few days against the besiegers ; finally

' Theium edd. vett. : telum B<r.
^ interceptis r : interseptis B.

LR'Y

Amvnandro est. et omnis Athamania in potestate
erat praeter Athenaeum castellum, finibus Mace-
doniae subiectum.

II, Philippus audita defectione Athamaniae cum
sex milibus armatorum profectus ingenti celeritate

2 Gomphos pervenit. Ibi relicta maiore parte exerci-
tus — neque enim ad tanta itinera sufficerent — cum
duobus milibus ^ Athenaeum, quod unum a praesidio

3 suo retentum fuerat, pervenit. Inde proximis
temptatis cum facile animadvertisset cetera hostilia
esse. Gomphos regressus omnibus copiis simul in

4 Athamaniam redit. Xenonem inde cum mille
peditibus praemissum Aethopiam occupare iubet,

5 opportune Argitheae imminentem ; quem ubi teneri
ab suis locum vidit, ipse circa templum lovis Acraei
posuit castra. Ibi unum diem foeda tempestate
retentus. postero die ducere ad Argitheam intendit.

G Euntibus extemplo apparuere Athamanes in tumulos
imminentes viae discurrentes. Ad quorum con-
spectum constitere prima signa, totoque ^ agmine

7 pavor et trepidatio erat et pro se quisque quidnam
futurum esset cogitare, si in valles subiectas rupibus

8 agmen foret demissum. Haec tumultuatio regem
cupientem si se sequerentur raptim evadere angustias,
revocare primos et eadem qua venerat via referre
coegit signa. Athamanes primo ex intervallo quieti

9 sequebantur ; postquam Aetoli se coniunxerunt, hos,
ut ab tergo agmini instarent, reliquerunt, ipsi ab

^ milibus r : om. B.

2 signa totoque r : signatoque B : concitatoque M.
6

BOOK XXXVIII. I. ii-ii. 9

it also was delivered to Amynander, and all Atha- b.c. isa
mania was in his hands except the fortress of
Athenaeum, lying on the borders of Macedonia.

II. Philip, on hearing of the revolt of Athamania,
set out with six thousand troops and very quickly
arrived at Gomphi. There he left the greater
part of his men — for they would not have had
strength enough for such hard marching — and with.
two thousand went on to Athenaeum, which alone
had been held by his garrison. Then, when he had
quickly learned, by trial of the neighbouring towns,
that everything else was unfriendly, he returned to
Gomphi and thence, with his whole force united,
marched into Athamania. He ordered Xeno to go
ahead with a thousand infantry to seize Aethopia,
which was favourably situated to threaten Argithea ;
and when he saw that his men were in possession of
the place, he himself encamped near the temple of
Jupiter Acraeus. There he was detained for a day
by a violent storm, and on the next day began his
march toward Argithea. Suddenly as they were
advancing the Athamanians appeared, hurrying
towards the hills that commanded the road. At the
first glimpse of them the advance guard halted and
throughout the whole column there was terror and
confusion, each for himself considering W'hat would
happen if the column were led down into the valleys
lying at the foot of the cliffs. This panic compelled
the king, who had wished, should his troops follow
him, to get through the pass with a rush, to recall
the van and retire by the same road by which he had
come. The Athamanians at first followed quietly,
keeping their distance ; after the Aetolians joined
them, they left them to harass the column from the

LIVY

10 lateribus se circumfuderunt, quidam per notas calles
breviore via praegressi transitus insedere ; tantumque
tumultus Macedonibus est iniectum, ut fugae magis
effusae quam itineris ordinati modo multis armis

11 virisque relictis flumen traiecerint.^ Hie finis se-
quendi fuit. Inde tuto Macedones Gomphos et a

12 Gomphis in Macedoniam redierunt. Athamanes
Aetolique Aethopiam ad Xenonem ac mille Mace-

13 donas opprimendos undique concurrerunt. Mace-
dones parum - loco freti ab Aethopia in altiorem
deruptioremque undique tumulum concessere ; quo
pluribus ex locis aditu invento expulere eos Atha-

U manes, dispersosque et per invia atque ignotas rupes
iter fugae non expedientis partim ceperunt partim
interfecerunt. Multi pavore in derupta praecipitati ;
perpauci cum Xenone ad regem evaserunt. Postea
per indutias sepeliendi caesos potestas facta est.

III. Amynander recuperate ^ regno legatos et
Romam ad senatum et ad Scipiones in Asiam, Ephesi
post mag-num cum Antiocho proelium morantes,
2 misit. Pacem petebat excusabatque sese, quod per
Aetolos recuperasset paternum regnum ; Philippum
incusabat.

1 traiecerint r : traiecerunt B.

2 parum r : om. B.

2 recuperate r : recuperando B.

^ Amynander recognizes the necessity of placating Rome
even if he does not admit her virtual protectorate over Greece.
His own diplomatic status was somewhat uncertain : he had
allied himself with the Aetolians and Antiochus (XXXV.
xlvii. 8), and for that reason the Romans had consented to
Philip's conquest (XXXM:. xiv. 9). It may be assumed that
the return of Amynander would automatically restore Atha-

8

BOOK XXXVIII. II. 9-III. 2

rear and threw themselves upon the flanks, while b.c. 189
some, gohig ahead over familiar trails by a shorter
route, blocked the crossing ; and such great confusion
was caused among the Macedonians that in the
fashion of a disorderly rout rather than a march
under discipline, leaving behind many weapons
and men, they crossed the river. This was the end
of the pursuit. From that point the Macedonians
returned safely to Gomphi and from Gomphi to Mace-
donia. The Athamanians and Aetolians came from
all sides to Aethopia to destroy Xeno and his thousand
Macedonians. The Macedonians, distrusting the
strength of the place, withdrew from Aethopia to
a hill higher and steeper on every side ; from this the
Athamanians dislodged them, finding ways to scale
it in several places, and as they scattered over
pathless country and unfamiliar cliffs that offered no
aid to flight, part were captured and part killed.
Many, panic-stricken, plunged over precipices ; a
very few with Xeno escaped to the king. Later a
truce was made to give them an opportunity to bury
their dead.

III. Amynander, having recovered his kingdom,
sent ambassadors both to the senate in Rome and to
the Scipios in Asia, since they were tarrying in
Ephesus after the decisive battle with Antiochus. He
asked for peace and defended himself for having
recovered his ancestral kingdom through the aid of
the Aetolians ; ^ he laid the blame on Philip. ^

mania to the status of an AetoHan ally, and that Amynander
is trying to escape the dangers of such a position.

2 These charges must have been based on the character
of Philip's government after his conquest (i. 2 above), as no
other plausible cause for finding fault with him is apparent.

LIVY

3 Aetoli ex Athamania in Amphilochos profecti
sunt et maioris partis voluntate ^ in ius dicionemque

4 totam redegerunt gentem. Amphilochia recepta —
nam fuerat quondam Aetolorum — eadem spe in
Aperantiam transcenderunt ; ^ ea quoque magna ex
parte sine certamine in deditionem venit. Dolopes

5 numquam Aetolorum fuerant. Philippi erant. Hi
primo ad arma concurrerunt : ceterum postquam
Amphilochos cum Aetolis esse fugamque ex Athama-
nia Philippi et caedem praesidii eius accepere, et ipsi

6 a Philippo ad Aetolos deficiunt. Quibus circumiectis
gentibus iam undique se a Macedonibus tutos
credentibus esse Aetolis fama adfertur Antiochum in
Asia victum ab Romanis : nee ita multo post legati
ab Roma rediere sine spe pacis Fulviumque consulem

7 nuntiantes cum exercitu iam traiecisse. His territi,^
prius ab Rhodo et Athenis legationibus excitis, ut
per auctoritatem earum civitatium suae preces nuper
repudiatae faciliorem aditum ad senatum haberent,
principes gentis ad temptandam spem ultimam

8 Romam miserunt, nihil, ne bellum haberent, prius-
quam paene in conspectu hostis erat, praemeditati.

9 Iam M. Fulvius Apolloniam exercitu traiecto cum

1 uoluntate r : uoluntatem B.

2 Aperantiam transcenderunt r : om. B.

3 territi r : territis B.

1 Cf. XXXII. xxxiv. 4.

2 For Philip's recent acquisition of Aperantia and Dolopia,
cf. XXXVI. xxxiii. 7. In the latter case it was a re-conquest,
since Dolopia had been freed from Macedonian control in
196 B.C. (XXXIII. xxxiv. 6).

^ The embassy had been expelled from Italy : cf. XXXVII.
xlix. 5-7.

^ The appointment of Fulvius to Aetolia was reported at
XXXVII. i. 8.

10

BOOK XXXVIII. III. 3-9

From Athamania the Aetolians moved against b.c. 189
the Amphilochians, and with the consent of the
majority brought the whole tribe under their au-
thority and control. Amphilochia having been re-
covered ^ — for it had once belonged to the Aetolians
— they proceeded with the same hope to Aperantia ;
this state also surrendered, in large measure without
resistance. The Dolopians ^ had never been subjects
of the Aetolians, but belonged to Philip. At first
they rushed to arms, but after they learned that the
Amphilochians were with the Aetolians, that Philip
had been driven from Athamania and his garrison
destroyed, they too went over from Philip to the
Aetolians. Having set up these buffer-states and
believing that they were now safe from the Mace-
donians on all sides, the Aetolians received the news
that Antiochus had been defeated in Asia by the
Romans ; and not long afterwards their envoys re-
turned from Rome with no promise of peace,^ and
brought word that the consul Fulvius with the army
had already crossed.* Terrified by this information,
first summoning embassies from Rhodes and Athens,^
that through the influence of these states their own
prayers, though previously rejected, might obtain
easier access to the senate, they sent the leading men
of the people to Rome to try the last hope of peace,
having given no thought to the avoidance of war
until the enemy was almost in sight.

Marcus Fulvius had by now transported his army
to Apollonia and was consulting with the chiefs of

^ These two states were frequently appealed to as peace-
makers; for Rhodes, of. XXVII. xxx. 4; for Athens, of.
XXXVII. vi. 4, where her intervention for Aetolia the pre-
ceding year is recorded.

Epirotarum principibus consultabat unde helium in-
ciperet. Epirotis Ambraciam placebat aggredi, quae

10 turn contribuerat se Aetolis : sive ad tuendam earn
venirent Aetoli. apertos circa campos ad dimicandum
esse : sive detractarent ^ certamen, oppugnationem

11 fore haud difficilem ; nam et copiam in propinquo
materiae ad aggeres excitandos et cetera opera esse,
et Arethontem. navigabilem amnem, opportunum ad
comportanda quae usui sint praeter ipsa moenia
fluere, et aestatem aptam rei gerendae adesse. His
persuaserunt ut per Epirum duceret.

IV. Consuli ad Ambraciam advenienti magni
operis oppugnatio \'isa est. Ambracia tumulo aspero

2 subiecta est ; Perranthem incolae vocant. Urbs, qua
murus vergit in campos et flumen, occidentem, arx,

3 quae imposita tumulo est, orientem spectat. Amnis
Aretho ex Athamania fluens cadit in sinum maris ab
nomine propinquae urbis Ambracium appellatum.

4 Praeterquam quod - hinc amnis munit, hinc tumuli,
muro quoque firmo saepta erat, patente in circuitu

o paulo amplius quattuor milia passuum. Fuhdus
bina a campo castra, modico inter se distantia inter-
vallo. unum castellum loco edito contra arcem

6 obiecit ; ea omnia vallo atque fossa ita ^ iungere

^ detractarent r : detrectarent B.

^ quod r : om. B.

3 ita ed. Frobeniana 1535 : om. B~.

^ Livv here seems to think that there were no other Roman
forces in Greece at this time, and in this he apparently has
the support of Polybius (XXII. ix). However, in XXXVII.
ii. 7-8 the propraetor Cornelius was instructed to conduct an
army to Aetolia, and in XXXVII. i. 4 the presence of an army
there was assumed. Livj- has, as often, changed sources
without warning. The account of the siege of Ambracia
follows Polybius closely.

12

BOOK XXXVIII. III. 9-iv. 6

the Epirotes as to where to begin the campaign.^ b.c. 189
The advice of the Epirotes was to attack Ambracia,
which had at this time joined the AetoHans : ^ if, on
the one hand, the AetoHans should come to defend
it, there were open plains on which to fight ; if, on
the other hand, they declined an engagement, the
siege would not be difficult ; for there was both
abundance of material close at hand for building
mounds and raising other siege-works, and a navi-
gable river, the Aretho, suitable for the transportation
of the necessary supplies, flowed past the very walls,
and, moreover, summer was at hand, a season
adapted to active operations. By such arguments
they induced him to lead the army through Epirus.
IV. When the consul arrived before Ambracia,
the siege seemed to him to involve great toil.
Ambracia lay at the foot of a rugged hill ; the
natives call it Perranthes. The city, where the wall
turns towards the plains and the river, looks west ;
the citadel, which is situated on the hill, faces east.
The river Aretho, rising in Athamania, empties into
the gulf of the sea which is called " the Ambracian "
from the name of the neighbouring city. In addition
to the fact that the river on one side and the hills
on the other defended the city, it was also protected
by a strong wall, extending in circumference a little
more than four miles. Fulvius established two
camps on the side of the plain, separated from one
another by a moderate distance, and one redoubt
on a high spot facing the citadel ; all these he planned
so to connect by means of a wall and ditch that no

2 Ambracia had been the capital of Pyrrhus (cf. v. 2 and
ix. 13 below), and had later become a member of the Aetolian
League.

13

parat. ne exitus inclusis ab urbe neve aditus foris ad
auxilia intromittenda esset. Ad famam oppugna-
tionis Ambraciae Stratum iam edicto Nicandri

7 praetoris convenerant ^ Aetoli. Inde primo copiis
omnibus ad prohibendam obsidionem venire in animo
fuerat ; dein, postquam urbem iam magna ex parte
operibus saeptam viderunt, Epirotarum trans flumen
loco piano castra posita esse, dividere copias placuit.

8 Cum mille expeditis Eupolemus Ambraciam profectus
per nondum commissa inter se munimenta urbem

9 intravit. Nicandro cum cetera manu primo Epiro-
tarum castra nocte aggredi consilium fuerat baud
facili ab Romanis auxilio, quia flumen intererat ;

10 dein, periculosum inceptum ratus, ne qua sentirent
Romani et regressus ^ inde in tuto non esset, deter-
ritus ab hoc consilio ad depopulandam Acarnaniam
iter convertit.

V. Consul iam munimentis quibus saepienda ^
urbs erat, iam operibus, quae admovere muris
parabat, perfectis quinque simul locis moenia est

2 aggressus. Tria paribus intervallis, faciliore * aditu
a campo, adversus Pyrrheum quod vocant admovit,
unum e regione Aesculapii, unum adversus arcemi.

3 Arietibus muros quatiebat ; asseribus falcatis de-
tergebat pinnas. Oppidanos primo et ad speciem

^ conuenerant ~ : conuenerunt B.

2 regressus r : praegressus B.

3 saepienda r : om. B.

* faciliore edd. vett. : faciliora Br.

1 Probably the palace of Pyrrhus : see the last note.

- The falx muralis of Caesar {B.G. III. xiv. 5). This detail,
like those which follow, is derived directly from Polvbius
(XXII. X).

14

BOOK XXXVIII. IV. 6-v. 3

egress from the city might be allowed the besieged
nor ingress from without to a relieving force. At
the report of the siege of Ambracia the Aetolians
had already assembled at Stratus in response to the
edict of the praetor Nicander. It had been their
first intention to march from there with their entire
force to prevent the siege ; then, when they saw that
the city was already in large part hemmed in by
siege-works, and that the camp of the Epirotes lay
on level ground across the river, they decided to
divide their forces. Eupolemus with a thousand
light-armed troops, setting out for Ambracia, entered
the city through the fortifications which had not yet
been joined together. It had been the original plan
that Nicander, with the rest of the troops, should
make a night attack on the camp of the Epirotes,
which could not readily be aided by the Romans
because the river was between them ; later, thinking
that there was in the enterprise the danger that the
Romans might somehow learn of it and he have no
escape to a place of safety, he abandoned that
design and turned aside to plunder Acarnania.

V. The consul had by now completed the fortifi-
cations by which the town had to be surrounded as
well as the siege-engines which he was making
ready to move up to the walls, and attacked the
ramparts in five places at once. Three of the assaults,
equidistant from one another, the approach from the
plain being easier, he directed against what they call
the " Pyrrheum," ^ one on the side of the temple of
Aesculapius, one against the citadel. He was
shaking the walls with battering-rams ; he was
pulling down the parapets with hooks fixed on
poles. ^ The citizens were at first stricken with terror

15

et ad ictus nioeiiium cum terribili sonitu editos ^

4 pavor ac trepidatio cepit : deinde, ut praeter spem
stare muros \-iderunt, coUectis rursus animis in arietes
tollenoiiibus libramenta - plumbi aut saxorum stipi-
tesve ^ robustos incutiebant ; falces ancoris ferreis
iniectis in interiorem partem muri trahentes asserem

5 praefrino-ebant ; ad hoc eruptionibus et * nocturnis
in custodias operum et diurnis in stationes ultro
terrorem inferebant.

6 In hoc statu res ad Ambraciam cum essent, iam
Aetoli a populatione Acarnaniae Stratum redierant.^
IndeNicander praetor spem nactus solvendae ^ incepto
forti obsidionis. Nicodamum quendam cum Aetohs

7 quingentis Ambraciam intromittit. Xoctem cert am
tempusque etiam noctis constituit, quo et ilh ab urbe
opera hostium '^ quae adversus PjTrheum erant
aggrederentur, et ipse ad castra Romana terrorem
faceret, posse ratus ancipiti tumultu et nocte augente

8 pavorem memorabilem rem geri. Et Nicodamus
intempesta nocte, cum ahas custodias fefellisset,
per ® alias impetu constanti perrupisset,^ superato
brachio in urbem penetrat, animique aliquantum ^°
ad omnia audenda et spei obsessis adiecit et, simul
constituta nox venit, ex composito repente opera

9 est aggressus. Id inceptum conatu quam efFectu

^ editos edd. vett. : editus Br.
- libramenta r : libramento B.
3 stipitesue ~ : stipites B.
* et ed. Frobeniana 1535 : om. B~.
° redierant r : redierunt B.
^ soluendae ~ : om. B.
' ho-stium r : om. B.
^ per r : et per B.

^ perrupisset Crevier : erupisset et B : erupisset r.
I'' aliquantum r : aliquantulum B.

l6

BOOK XXXVIII. V. 3-9

and confusion both at the sight and at the blows which b.c. i89
struck the walls with fearful din ; then, when they
saw the walls still standing, contrary to expectations,
they recovered their courage and with the aid of
cranes they dropped on the rams masses of lead or
stone or stout logs ; seizing the wall-hooks with
grappling-irons they pulled them inside the walls
and broke off the poles ; besides, by sallies conducted
both by night against the guards of the engines and
by day against the outposts they did their part in
spreading terror.

While matters before Ambracia were in this state,
the Aetolians had now returned to Stratus from the
devastation of Acarnania. Then the praetor Nican-
der, conceiving the hope of raising the siege by a
bold stroke, sent a certain Nicodamus with five
hundred Aetolians into Ambracia. He appointed a
certain night and even an hour of the night when
both the troops from the city should attack the
enemy's siege-works which faced the Pyrrheum and
he himself should cause a panic in the Roman camp,
thinking that something memorable could be
accomplished by an attack from two directions and
with night adding to the terror. And Nicodamus,
on a stormy night, after eluding some pickets and
forcing his way past others by a resolute attack,
crossed one branch of the wall ^ and entered the town,
thereby inspiring in the besieged no small degree of
courage for any deed of daring and of hope, and as
soon as the appointed night arrived, according to the
agreement, he suddenly attacked the siege-works.
This venture was more serious in its purpose than in

^ This was probably a low rampart connecting two of the
Roman strong points.

17
VOL. XI. C

gravius fuit,. quia nulla ab exteriore parte \-is admota
LO est.i seu metu deterrito praetore Aetolorum, seu
quia potius visum est Amphilochis nuper receptis
ferre opem, quos Perseus. Philippi filius, missus ad
Dolopiam Amphilorhosque recipiendos,- summa vi
oppugnabat.

VI. Tribus locis, sicut ante dictum est, ad Pyrrheum
opera Romana erant, quae omnia simul, sed nee

2 apparatu nee vi simili, Aetoli aggressi sunt : alii
cum ardentibus facibus, alii stuppam picemque et
malleolos ferentes, tota collucente flammis acie,

3 advenere. Multos primo impetu custodes oppresse-
runt ; dein, postquam clamor tumultusque in castra
est perlatus datumque a consule signum, arma
capiunt et omnibus portis ad opem ferendam effun-

4 duntur. Ferro ignique gesta res ; ab duobus irrito
incepto, cum temptassent magis quam inissent certa-
men, Aetoli abscesserunt : atrox pugna ^ in unum

5 inclinaverat locum. Ibi diversis partibus duo duces
Eupolemus et Nicodamus pugnantes hortabantur
et prope certa fovebant spe lam Nicandrum ex com-

6 posito adfore et terga hostium invasurum. Haec res
aliquamdiu animos pugnantium sustinuit ; ceterum,
postquam nullum ex composito signum a suis accipie-
bant et crescere numerum hostium cernebant, desti-

7 tuti * segnius instare ; postremo re omissa iam vix
tuto receptu fugientes in urbem compelluntur,

1 est r : 0171. B. - recipiendos r : om. B.

^ pugna r : om. B. * destituti r : destitutis B.

i8

BOOK XXXVIII. V. 9-vi. 7

its result, since no attack was made from outside, b.c. 189
whether because the Aetolian praetor was prevented
by fear or because it seemed better to assist the
Amphilochians who had just been recovered and
whom Perseus, the son of PhiHp, sent to regain con-
trol of Dolopia and the Amphilochians, was attacking
with the greatest vigour.

VI. There were Roman works, as has been said
before, in three places facing the Pyrrheum, all of
which the Aetolians attacked at once, but not with
the same equipment or violence : some advanced with
flaming torches, others carrying tow and pitch and
firebrands, the whole battle-line gleaming with flames.
They cut down many of the guards at the first attack ;
then, when the shouting and the din were heard in
the camp and the signal was given by the consul, the
Romans seized their arms and from all the gates
hastened to the rescue. The battle raged with steel
and fire ; in two places the Aetolians retired without
accomplishing anything, after trying rather than
actually beginning an engagement ; the severe fight-
ing had concentrated in one place. There in different
quarters the two captains Eupolemus and Nicodamus
were urging on the fighters and encouraging them
with the almost certain hope that Nicander would
soon be there according to agreement and would
take the enemy in the rear. This assurance kept up
for a considerable time the spirits of the fighters ;
but when they received no signal from their comrades
according to the agreement and they perceived that
the number of the enemy was increasing, being thus
left unsupported, they pressed on less vigorously ;
finally, abandoning their effort, their retreat being by
now scarcely safe, they were driven back into the city

19
c2

LIVY

parte operum incensa et pluribus aliquanto, quam ab
ipsis ^ ceciderant, interfectis. Quodsi ex composito
acta res fuisset, haud dubium erat expugnari una
utique parte opera cum magna caede hostium
potuisse. Ambracienses quique intus erant Aetoli
non ab eius solum noctis incepto recessere, sed
in reliquum quoque tempus velut proditi ab suis
segniores ad pericula erant. lam nemo eruptionibus,
ut ante, in stationes hostium, sed dispositi per muros
et turres ex tuto pugnabant.

VII. Perseus ubi adesse ^ Aetolos audivit, omissa
obsidione urbis, quam oppugnabat, depopulatus tan-
tum agros Amphilochia excessit atque in Mace-
doniam redit. Et Aetolos inde avocavit populatio
maritimae orae. Pleuratus, Illyriorum rex, cum
sexaginta lembis Corinthium sinum invectus adiunctis
Achaeorum quae Patris erant navibus maritima
Aetoliae vastabat.^ Adversus quos mille Aetoli missi,
quacumque se classis circumegerat per litorum am-
fractus, brevioribus semitis occurrebant. Et Romani
ad Ambraciam pluribus locis quatiendo arietibus
muros aliquantum urbis nudaverant, nee tamen
penetrare in urbem poterant ; nam et pari celeritate
novus pro diruto murus obiciebatur, et armati minis
superstantes instar munimenti erant. Itaque cum

^ ab ipsis M. Mueller : ipsis Br.

2 adesse r : om. B.

^ uastabat T : uastabant B.

1 This use of ab ipsis (which is itself an emendation) is
somewhat unusual, but the interpretation here given seems
to be required.

2 Cf. XXXIII. xxxiv. 11.

20

BOOK XXXVIII. VI. 7-vii. 6

in flight, after they had burned part of the siege-works b.c. 189
and killed a considerably larger number of the enemy
than they had themselves lost.^ But if the plan
had been carried out according to the agreement
there was no doubt that in one place at least the ,
works could have been taken with heavy loss to the
enemy. The Ambraciots and the Aetolians who were
inside the city not only gave up their attempt for
that night, but for the future too, feeling that they
had been deserted by their friends, they were more
reluctant to face dangers. Henceforth no one took
part in sallies, as before, against the outguards of
the enemy, but posting themselves along the walls _,--'
and towers they fought in safety.

VII. When Perseus learned that the Aetolians
were approaching, he abandoned the siege of the
city he was investing and, merely plundering the
fields, withdrew from Amphilochia and returned to
Macedonia. The Aetolians too were called away
from there by the devastation of their sea-coast.
Pleuratus,^ the king of the Illyrians, sailed into the
Corinthian gulf with sixty cruisers and joining the
ships of the Achaeans which were at Patrae was
laying waste the coast districts of Aetolia. A
thousand Aetolians sent against them, wherever the
fleet went, following the indentations of the shore-
line, would travel by shorter routes and meet them.
Also the Romans before Ambracia, by battering at
the walls with rams, had to a great extent laid bare
the town, but nevertheless could not force their way
into it ; for with equal speed a new wall was thrown
up to replace what had been destroyed and armed
men, standing on the ruins, served as a fortification.
Accordingly, since visibly applied force was not

21

aperta vi parum procederet consuli res, cuniculum
occultum vineis ante contecto ^ loco a^ere instituit ; ^
et aliquamdiu. cum-^ dies noctesque in opere essent,
non solum sub terra fodientes sed e^erentes etiam

7 humum fefellere hostem. Cumulus repente terrae
eminens index operis oppidanis fuit,. pavidique ne
lam subrutis muris facta in urbem via esset, fossam
intra murum e regione eius operis quod vineis con-

8 tectum erat ducere instituunt. Cuius ubi ad tantam
altitudinem quantae esse solum infimum cuniculi
poterat pervenerunt, silentio facto * pluribus locis

9 aure admota sonitum fodientium captabant. Quern
ubi acceperunt, aperiunt rectam in cuniculum viam.
nee fuit magni operis ; momento enim ad inane ^
suspenso fulturis ® ab hostibus muro pervenerunt.

10 Ibi commissis operibus, cum e fossa in cuniculum
pateret iter, primo ipsis ferramentis, quibus in opere
usi erant. deinde celeriter armati etiam subeuntes
occultam sub terra ediderunt pugnam ; segnior deinde
ea facta est intersaepientibus cuniculum, ubi vellent,
nunc ciliciis praetentis nunc foribus raptim obiectis.

11 Nova etiam baud magni operis adversus eos qui in
cuniculo erant excogitata res. Dolium a fundo

^ contecto " : collecto B.

2 instituit r ; statuit B.

^ cum r : om. B.

* facto " : oin. B.

^ inane r : inanem B.

^ fiilturis ed. Frobeniana lo3o : furculis Br.

^ The apparent meaning is that the trench of the defenders
ran at right angles to the assumed direction of the tunnel.
Polybius (XXII. xi) describes the trench as parallel to the
city-wall.

22

BOOK XXXVIII. VII. 6-II

progressing well for the consul, he determined to dig b.c.
secretly a tunnel in a place formerly covered by his
sheds, and for a considerable period, although the
work was in progress day and night, not only the
men digging beneath the ground but also those who
were carrying out the earth went unnoticed by the
enemy. Suddenly a rising mound of earth betrayed
the work to the townspeople, and, fearing that the
walls had already been undermined and a way opened
into the city, they began to dig a ditch inside the wall
in the direction of that work M'hich had been covered
by the sheds. ^ When they came to a depth as great
as the bottom of the tunnel could have, they remained
silent, and placing their ears against the walls in
several places they caught the sound of the diggers.
When they heard this they opened a way straight
into the tunnel, nor was this a difficult task ; for in a
moment they came into the open space where the
enemy was supporting the roof on props. The
works joining there, as the way was open from the
trench to the tunnel, they began to fight, at first
with the same tools which they had used in the work,
then quickly armed men too came up and engaged in
a hidden battle underground; later this fighting
became more desultory, since they blocked the
tunnel wherever they wished, now with curtains ^^
stretched across, now with hastily constructed doors.^
A new device as well, and one easy of execution,
was thought out against the Romans who were in
the tunnel. They prepared a cask pierced at the

2 Literally, garments made of the hair of goats.

3 Polybius (i.e.) says that both sides protected themselves
with shields (dvpeovs), and it has been suggested that Livy
confused this word with Ovpas, " doors."

23

pertusum, qua ^ fistula modica inseri posset, et
ferream fistulam operculumque dolii ^ ferreum, et
ipsum pluribus locis perforatum, fecerunt. Hoc
tenui pluma conipletum dolium ore in cuniculum

12 verso posuerunt. Per operculi foramina praelongae
hastae, quas sarisas vocant, ad summovendos hostes
eminebant. Scintillam levem ignis inditam plumae
folle fabrili ad caput fistulae imposito flando accende-

13 runt. Inde non solum magna vis fumi sed acrior
etiam foedo quodam odore ex adusta pluma cum
totum cuniculum complesset, vix durare quisquam
intus poterat.

VIII. Cum in hoc statu ad Ambraciam res esset,
legati ab Aetolis Phaeneas et Damoteles cum liberis
mandatis decreto gentis ad consulem venerunt.
Nam praetor eorum, cum alia parte Ambraciam

2 oppu^nari cerneret, alia infestam oram navibus
hostium esse, alia Amphilochos Dolopiamque ^ a
Macedonibus vastari, nee Aetolos ad tria simul
diversa bella occursantes sufficere, convocato concilio
Aetoliae principes quid agendum esset consuluit.

3 Omnium eo sententiae decurrerunt, ut pax si posset
aequis,^ si minus tolerandis condicionibus peteretur ;

4 Antiochi fiducia bellum susceptum ; Antiocho terra
marique superato et prope extra orbem terrae ultra

^ qua r : quasi B. ^ dolii r : dolium B.

^ Dolopiamque edd. vett. : dolophiam B : dolopiam r.
* aequis ~ : aequius B.

^ Livy for some reason omits certain picturesque details
given by Polybius (/.c), but otherwise follows him closely.
Smoking out an enemy in mine-warfare was a recognized
device (Aeneas Tacticus 37), but we need not consider this
an example of the early use of chemicals for military' purposes :
of. Lamer's review of Vatter, " Giftgase und Gasschutz "
(Stuttgart, 1934), m Phil Woch. 55, 1935, 202-204.

24

BOOK XXXVIII. VII. ii-viii. 4

bottom, where a pipe of moderate size could be b.c. 189
inserted, and likewise an iron pipe and an iron lid for
the cask, this lid too being perforated in several
places. This cask, filled with light feathers, they
placed in the entrance facing the tunnel. They
fixed in the holes in the lid the very long spears
which they call " sarisae," so as to keep the enemy
at a distance. A light spark of flame, placed among
the feathers, they fanned by blowing with a smith's
bellows placed at the mouth of the pipe. Then,
since smoke, not merely abundant in quantity, but,
even more, unendurable by reason of the vile stench
from the burning feathers, had filled the whole tunnel,
scarcely anyone was able to remain within it.^

VIII. While affairs were in this condition at
Ambracia,^ Phaeneas and Damoteles came to the
consul as ambassadors from the Aetolians, with full
power to act, by decree of the people. For their
praetor, when he saw that on one side Ambracia was
undergoing siege, that on another the sea-coast was
endangered by the enemy's ships, that on a third the
Amphilochians and Dolopia were being plundered
by the Macedonians, and that the Aetolians, rushing
here and there to three different wars at the same
time, could not hold out, called a council and laid
before the chiefs of Aetolia the question of what
should be done. The opinions of all tended in this
direction — that peace should be sought, on fair terms
if possible, if not, on endurable terms : they argued
that they had begun the war because of their reliance
on Antiochus ; when Antiochus was beaten on land
and sea and driven virtually beyond the bounds of the

2 The embassy mentioned in XXXVII. xlix (cf. iii. 6 above)
is ignored in the following accomit.

25

LIVY

iuga Tauri exacto quam spem esse sustinendi belli ?

5 Phaeneas et Damoteles quod e re ^ Aetolorum, ut
in tali casu, fideque sua esse censerent, agerent ;
quod enim sibi consilium aut cuius rei electionem a

6 fortuna relictam ? Cum his mandatis legati missi
orare consulem ut parceret urbi.. misereretur gentis
quondam sociae, nolle dicere iniuriis, miseriis certe

7 coactae insanire ; non plus mali meritos Aetolos
Antiochi bello quam boni ante, cum adversus
Philippum bellatum sit, fecisse : nee tum large
gratiam relatam sibi, nee nunc immodice poenam
iniungi debere. Ad ea consul respondit magis saepe
quam vere umquam ^ Aetolos pacem petere. Imi-
tarentur Antiochum in petenda pace, quem in bellum

8 traxissent : non paucis urbibus eum, de quarum
libertate certatum sit, sed omni Asia cis Taurum

9 montem, opimo regno, excessisse.^ Aetolos nisi
10 inermes de pace agentes non auditurum se ; arma

illis prius equosque omnes tradendos esse, deinde
mille talentum argenti * populo Ptomano dandum,
cuius summae dimidium praesens numeretur, si
pacem habere vellent. Ad ea adiecturum etiam
in foedus esse ut eosdem quos populus Romanus
amicos atque hostes habeant.

^ e re r : de re B. - uere umquam r : om. B.

^ exeessisse r : excepisse B. * argenti r : om. B.

^ It should be noted that this discussion makes no progress
towards peace. It was one of the stock grievances of the
Aetolians that their services against Philip had been in-
adequately recognized and rewarded, and this position they
still maintain. The final demands of Fulvius are repetitions
of those made by Rome in the futile negotiations of 190 B.C.
(XXXVII. i. 5), although nothing had been said before about
Aetolian disarmament as a condition of peace.

26

BOOK XXXVIII. VIII. 4-10

earth, to the other side of the ridges of Taurus, what b.c.
hope was there of continuing the war ? Phaeneas
and Damoteles, they said, should do what they judged
consistent with the best interests of the Aetohans,
considering the straits they were in, and with their own
sense of loyalty ; for what plan that they could adopt
or what choice of action was left them by fortune ?
The envoys, sent with these instructions, begged the
consul to spare the city and to have compassion on a
people, once his ally, now driven to the point of
madness, they would not say by their wTongs but at
least by their misfortunes ; the Aetolians had not
deserved to suffer any ill fortune, by reason of the
Mar with Antiochus, outweighing the good service
which they had rendered previously when they had
fought against Philip ; neither had liberal gratitude
been shown them then nor should excessive punish-
ment be imposed upon them now. To this the consul
replied that the Aetolians ever sought peace fre-
quently rather than sincerely. In their plea for
peace they should follow the example of Antiochus,
whom they had enticed into the war ; he had with-
drawn not from a few towns about whose liberty there
was a question, but from the whole rich land of Asia
on this side of the Taurus mountains. He would
not, he said, listen to the Aetolians treating for peace
unless they were disarmed ; they must first turn over
their weapons and all their horses, then pay a
thousand talents of silver to the Roman people, of
which sum half must be paid at once if they wanted
to have peace. He would, besides, add this clause
to the treaty — that they should regard as friends and
enemies the same persons whom the Romans so
regarded.^

27

LIVY

IX. Adversus quae legati, et quia gravia erant, et
quia suorum animos indomitos ac mutabiles noverant,
nullo reddito response domum regressi sunt, ut etiam
atque etiam quid agendum esset re integra praetorem

2 et principes consulerent. Clamore et iurgio excepti,
quam diu rem traherent, qualemcumque pacem
referre iussi, cum redirent Ambraciam, Acarnanum
insidiis prope viam positis, cum quibus bellum erat,
circumventi Thp-reum custodiendi deducuntur.

3 Haec mora iniecta est paci, cum iam Atheniensium
Rhodiorumque legati, qui ad deprecandum pro iis

4 venerant, apud consulem essent. Amjmander quoque
Athamanum rex fide accepta venerat in castra
Romana, magis pro Ambracia urbe, ubi maiorem
partem temporis exulaverat, quam pro Aetolis

5 sollicitus. Per hos certior factus consul de casu
legatorum adduci eos a Thyrreo iussit ; quorum

6 post adventum agi coeptum est de pace. Amy-
nander, quod sui maxime operis erat, impigre agebat,

7 ut Ambracienses compelleret ad deditionem. Ad
id ^ cum per colloquia principum succedens murum
parum proficeret, postremo consulis permissu ^
ingressus urbem partim consilio partim precibus evicit,

8 ut permitterent se Romanis. Et Aetolos C. \'alerius,
Laevini filius, qui cum ea gente primum amicitiam
pepigerat, consulis frater matre eadem genitus,

1 Ad id M. Mueller : id Br.

2 permissu r : promissu B.

1 Cf. XXXI. iii. 3, etc.; for the treaty of 211 B.C., XXVI.
xxiv. 8.

28

BOOK XXXVIII. IX. 1-8

IX. To these proposals, both because they were b.c. 189
severe and because the ambassadors knew that the
tempers of then- people were fierce and changeable,
they made no reply but returned home, that they
might again and again consult the praetor and the
chiefs as to what was to be done while they were still
uncommitted to a decision. They were received with
abusive shouts, being asked how long they would drag
things out, and were ordered to bring back any sort
of peace whatsoever, but when they were returning
to Ambracia they were caught in an ambush set beside
the road by the Acarnanians, with whom they were
at war, and were taken to Thyrreum for confinement.
This caused a delay to the peace, although ambassa-
dors of the Athenians and the Rhodians, who had come
to intercede for them, were now with the consul.
Amynander also, the king of the Athamanians, had
come to the Roman camp under a safeguard, more con-
cerned for the city of Ambracia, where he had spent the
greater part of his exile, than for the Aetolians. Being
informed by them of the misfortune of the ambassa-
dors, the consul ordered them to be brought from
Thyrreum ; after their arrival the discussion of peace
began. Amynander, since this was his particular
mission, laboured earnestly to induce the Ambraciots
to surrender. When he met with little success in
this, approaching the walls and conferring with the
chiefs, finally, by permission of the consul, he entered
the city, and partly by advice and partly by entreaty
he prevailed upon them to entrust themselves to the
Romans. The Aetolians too received notable assist-
ance from Gaius ^"alerius, the son of Laevinus,^ who
had concluded the first treaty of friendship with that
people, Gaius being the brother of the consul and

29

9 egregie adiuvit. Ambracienses prius pacti, ut
Aetolorum auxiUares sine fraude emitterent, aperu-
erunt port as. Dein Aetolis condiciones pacis dictae :^
quingenta Euboica ut darent talenta, ex quibus
ducenta praesentia. trecenta per annos sex pensioni-
bus aequis ; captivos perfugasque redderent Ro-

10 rnanis ; urbem ne quam formulae sui iuris facerent,
quae post id tempus, quo T. Quinctius traiecisset in
Graeciam, aut vi capta ab Romanis esset ^ aut volun-
tate in amicitiam venisset ; Cephallania insula ut

11 extra ius foederis esset. Haec quamquam spe
ipsoruni alii quanto leviora erant, petentibus Aetolis

12 ut ad concilium referrent, permissum est. Parva
disceptatio de urbibus tenuit. quae cum sui iuris
aliquando fuissent, avelli velut a corpore suo aegre
patiebantur ; ad unum omnes tamen accipi pacem

13 iusserunt. Ambracienses coronam auream consuli
centum et quinquaginta pondo dederunt. Signa
aenea marmoraeque et tabulae pictae, quibus
ornatior Ambracia, quia regia ibi Pyrrhi fuerat,^

^ Dein Aetolis condiciones pacis dictae H. J . Mueller :
dein Br.

- esset r : om. B.

^ fuerat r : fuerant B.

1 Her name is unknown. She had apparently married
Laevinus after the death of the elder Fulvius, since Polybius
(XXII. xii) speaks of Gaius as a young man. Cf. Miinzer,
Rom. Add-^parteien (Stuttgart, 1920), 210.

2 Cf. XXXVII. xlv. U and the note.

3 This island, like Zacynthos (XXXVI. xxxi-xxxii), now
had a strategic value for the Romans, and, since it did not

30

BOOK XXXVIII. IX. 8-13

born of the same mother.^ The Ambraciots, having
first bargained that the Aetoh'an auxiharies should be
released in safety, opened their gates. Then terms
of peace were given to the Aetolians : they were to
pay five hundred Euboean ^ talents, two hundred of
these at once and three hundred in equal instalments
through six years ; they were to restore the prisoners
and deserters to the Romans ; they were to bring
under their jurisdiction no city which since the time
when Titus Quinctius had crossed to Greece had
either been captured by force by the Romans or had
voluntarily entered into friendship with them ; the
island of Cephallania ^ was to be outside the scope of
the treaty.^ Although these terms were much lighter
than they had anticipated, the request of the Aeto-
lians that they should submit them to their council
was granted. There was a brief dispute about the
cities, since they took it hard that towns which had
once been under their control should be torn, as it
were, from their body, yet all unanimously agreed
that the peace should be accepted. The Ambraciots
presented the consul with a golden crown of one
hundred and fifty pounds' weight.^ The bronze and
marble statues and the paintings with which Ambracia
was more lavishly adorned than the other cities of
this region, because the palace of Pyrrhus had been

come under either class of communities just mentioned, is
excepted. It had belonged to Aetolia.

* These conditions are essentially those given by Polybius
(XXTI. xiii).

^ Polybius {I.e.) says practically the same thing, although
he seems to use aTe(^avos- to mean any sort of complimentary
present. In XXXIX. v. 14 Livy says that Fulvius displayed
in his triumph golden crowns weighing one hundred and
twelve pounds.

31

LR-Y

quam ceterae regionis eius urbes erant, sublata omnia
14 avectaque : nihil praeterea tactum violatumve.

X. Profectus ab Ambracia consul in niediterranea
Aetoliae ad Argos Amphilochium — viginti duo milia
ab Ambracia abest ^ — castra posuit. Eo tandem le-
gal! Aetoli, mirante consule quod morarentur,^

2 venerunt. Inde. postquam approbasse pacem con-
cilium Aetolorum accepit, iussis proiicisci Romam
ad senatum permissoque ut et Rhodii et Athenienses
deprecatores irent dato, qui simul cum iis pro-
ficisceretur, C. Valerio fratre ipse in Cephallaniam

3 traiecit. Praeoccupatas aures animosque principum
Romae criminibus Philippi invenerunt, qui per
legatos, per litteras Dolopas Amphilochosque et
Athamaniam erepta ^ sibi querens, praesidiaque sua
postremo filium etiam Persea ex Amphilochis pulsum,
averterat senatum ab audiendis precibus eorum.

4 Rhodii tamen et Athenienses cum silentio auditi
sunt. Atheniensis legatus Leon Hicesiae filius

5 eloquentia etiam dicitur movisse ; qui vulgata simili-
tudine. mari tranquillo quod ventis concitaretur
aequiperando multitudinem Aetolorum, usus, cum
in fide Romanae societatis mansissent. insita gentis

6 tranquillitate quiesse cos aiebat ; postquam flare
ab Asia Thoas et Dicaearchus, ab Europa Menestas
et Damocritus coepissent, turn illam tempestatera

^ abest ed. Frobeniana 1531 : est Br.
2 morarentur ~ : moraretur B.
^ erepta r : ereptas B.

^ Fulvius was later severely criticized for his treatment
of Ambracia : cf. xliii. 5 below, and his defence in XXXIX.
iv. 11-12. Polybius does not mention this, and Livy may

32

BOOK XXXVIII. IX. 13-X. 6

there, were all removed and carried away ; nothing
else was touched or harmed.^

X, Leaving Anibracia for the interior of Aetolia.
the consul encamped near Amphilochian Argos, it
being twenty-two miles from Ambracia. There
finally the Aetolian ambassadors came while the con-
sul was wondering why they were delaying. Then,
when he learned that the council of the Aetolians
had approved the peace, having ordered them to go
to the senate in Rome and having given permission
to both the Rhodians and the Athenians to go with
them as intercessors, and appointed his brother Gains
Valerius to accompany them, he himself crossed to
Cephallania. The ambassadors found that the ears
and minds of the leading men at Rome had already
been filled by the allegations of Philip, who, through
envoys, through letters, complaining that the
Dolopians, the Amphilochians and Athamania had
been snatched from him and that his garrisons and
finally even his son Perseus had been driven off from
the Amphilochians, had made the senate disinclined
to hear their petitions. Nevertheless, the Rhodians
and the Athenians were listened to in silence. The
Athenian ambassador Leon, the son of Hicesias, is
said to have created something of an impression by
his eloquence ; employing the familiar simile of a
calm sea which is disturbed by the winds, likening to
it the Aetolian populace, he said that as long as they
had remained faithful to the Roman alliance they had
been quiet with the natural calmness of the race ;
after Thoas and Dicaearchus began to blow from Asia
and Menestas and Damocritus from Europe, then

have inferred it from the later debate as to the triumph of
Fulvius.

33
VOL. XI. D

coortam, quae ad Antiochum eos sicuti in scopulum
intulisset.

XI. Diu iactati Aetoli tandem, ut^ condiciones pacis
convenirent, effecerunt. Fuerunt autem hae.^ " Im-
perium maiestatemque populi Romani gens Aeto-
lorum conservato sine dolo malo ; ne quern exercitum,
qui adversus socios amicosque eorum ducetur, per
fines suos transire sinito. neve ulla ope iuvato ; hostes
eosdem habeto quos populus Romanus, armaque
in eos ferto, bellumque pariter gerito ; perfugas
fugitives captivos reddito Romanis sociisque, praeter-
quam si qui capti, cum domos redissent, iterum capti
sunt, aut si qui eo tempore ex iis capti sunt qui turn
hostes erant Romanis, cum intra praesidia Romana
Aetoli essent ; aliorum qui comparebunt intra dies
centum Corcyraeorum magistratibus sine dolo malo
tradantur ; qui non comparebunt, quando quisque
eorum primum inventus erit, reddatur ; obsides quad-

^ ut ed. Frobeniana 1535 : ut ad B~.
2 hae r : haec B.

^ Polybius (XXII. xiv) quotes this speech at greater
length and with more direct application. However, he
credits the speech to Damis, and a philosopher of that name
is said to have been at some time a resident of Athens. The
corruption in the text of Polybius at this point probably
makes it impossible to explain the variation in names between
Liv;s' and Polybius.

The mischief-makers named were mainly responsible,
according to both Livy and Polybius, for the Aetolian alliance
with Antiochus : cf. the Index to Volume X.

2 The terms here given are in essence those given by
Polybius (XXII. xv). The formal beginning appears to be
that regularly employed in foedera non aequa, i.e. treaties
between a politically superior and a politically inferior state.
It is thus interpreted by Cicero {Balb. 35).

34

BOOK XXXVIII. X. 6-xi. 6

that storm had arisen which had dashed them upon b.c. i89
Antiochus as upon a rock.^

XI. After long agitation the Aetohans finally
succeeded in obtaining an agreement on the terms of
peace. These were the conditions : ^ "The people
of the Aetolians shall uphold the sovereignty and
dignity of the Roman people without fraud ; ^ they
shall permit no army which is being led against the
allies and friends of the Romans to cross their borders
and shall aid such an army in no way ; they shall
regard as enemies the same persons whom the Romans
so regard, shall take up arms against them and make
war upon them in company with the Romans ; they
shall restore deserters, runaways and captives to
the Romans and their allies, except such prisoners
as were captured a second time after they had
returned to their homes, or such as were captured
from those who were enemies to the Romans at
that time when the Aetolians were associated with
the Roman forces,* and any of the others who shall
be discovered within one hundred days to the
magistrates ^ of the Corcyraeans without fraud ;
those who shall not be discovered shall be turned over
as soon as each of them is found ; they shall deliver

3 Dolus mains is technical and legal; its implication is
the intent to injure or deceive another.

* The second class of exceptions apparently includes citizens
of Rome and allied states who were in arms against their
native cities during the period of the active Aetolian alliance
with Rome in the Second Macedonian War. But neither the
meaning nor the purpose of the clause is entirely clear,

^ Polybius {I.e.) says merely ru) dpxovTi, meaning, probably,
a Roman prefect in Corcyra. Livy seems to misunderstand,
and there seems to be no point in the demand that these persons
be handed over to native magistrates in Corcyra.

35
d2

LIVY

raginta arbitratu consulis Romanis dato ^ ne minores

7 duodecim annorum neu maiores quadraginta, obses ne
esto praetor. praefectus equitum, scriba publicus, neu
quis qui ante obses fuit apud Romanos ; Cephallania

8 extra pacis leges esto." De pecuniae summa quam
penderent pensionibusque eius nihil ex eo, quod cum
consule convenerat, mutatum ; pro argento si aurum
dare niallent, darent,^ convenit, duni pro argent eis

9 decern aureus unus valeret. " Quae urbes, qui agri,
qui homines Aetolorum iuris aliquando fuerunt, qui
eorum T. Quinctio Cn. Domitio consulibus postve
eos consules aut armis subacti aut voluntate in
dicionem populi Romani venerunt, ne quem ^ eorum
Aetoli recepisse velint ; Oeniadae cum urbe agrisque *
Acarnanum sunto." His legibus foedus ictum cum
Aetolis est.

XII. Eadem non aestate solum, sed etiam iisdem
prope diebus quibus haec a M. Fuhio consule in
Aetolia gesta sunt, consul alter Cn. Manlius in Gallo-
graecia bellum gessit, quod nunc ordiri pergam.
2 Vere primo Ephesum consul venit, acceptisque copiis
ab L. Scipione et exercitu lustrato contionem apud

^ dato r : dando B.

2 darent r : om. B.

^ ne quem ed. Frobeniana 1535 : neque Br.

* recepisse velint ; Oeniadae cum urbe agrisque ed. Fro-
beniana 1535 : recepissent uel in aetolia x urbes agrosque {sic)
Br.

^ Polybius {I.e.) states the equivalence in terms of minae,
preser\'ing the ratio of 10 : 1, and adds certain details as to
the financial settlement.

- Liv];- and Polybius {I.e.) agree on these names, but one
or the other name is nevertheless wrong. The colleague of
T. Flamininus in the consulship was Sex. Aelius Paetus

36

BOOK XXXVIII. XI. 6-xii. 2

to the Romans forty hostages, acceptable to the b.c. I89
consul, none younger than twelve years nor older
than forty, provided that no hostage shall be a
praetor, a commander of cavalry, a public secretary,
or one M^ho has previously been a hostage at Rome ;
Cephallania shall be excepted from the terms of
peace." Regarding the sum of money which they
were to pay and the instalments thereof, no change
was made in the conditions proposed by the consul ;
" if in place of silver they propose to pay gold,
let them do so," it was agreed, " provided that
one gold piece shall be the equivalent of ten
pieces of silver. ^ Whatever cities, whatever districts,
whatever persons have at any time been under the
jurisdiction of the Aetolians and have, in the consul-
ship of Titus Quinctius and Gnaeus Domitius or after
that consulship,^ either been conquered by arms or
submitted voluntarily to the control of the Roman
people, none of these shall the Aetolians essay to
recover ; the Oeniadae with their city and lands shall
belong to the Acarnanians." On these conditions
the treaty with the Aetolians was concluded.

XII. Not merely in the same summer, but even
practically during the same days when Marcus
Fulvius the consul was thus engaged in Aetolia, the
other consul Gnaeus Manlius in Gallograecia waged
the war which I shall now proceed to describe. The
consul arrived in Ephesus in the beginning of spring,
and, having taken over the troops from Lucius Scipio

(XXXII. viii. 1), while Domitius was consul in 192 b.c, with
L. Flamininus (XXXV. x. 10). Titus was named in the
corresponding section of the consul's proposals (ix. 10 above),
but it is possible that the senate made this particular condition
easier by changing the date from 198 B.C. to 192 B.C.

37

3 milites habuit, qua collaudata virtute eorum. quod
cum Antiocho uno proelio debellassent, adhortatus
eos ad ^ novum cum Gallis suscipiendum bellum,

4 qui et auxiliis iuvissent Antiochum et adeo ^ indo-
mita haberent ingenia ut nequiquam Antiochus
emotus ^ ultra iuga Tauri montis esset, nisi frange-
rentur opes Gallorum, de se quoque pauca, nee falsa

5 nee immodica, adiecit. Laeti milites cum frequenti
adsensu consulem audiverunt, partem virium Antio-
chi fuisse Gallos credentes : rege superato nullum
momentum in solis per se Gallorum copiis fore.

6 Eumenen haud in tempore abesse — Romae tum erat
— credere con^^ul, gnarum locorum hominumque. et

7 cuius interesset frangi Gallorum opes. Attalum
igitur fratrem eius accersit a Pergamo, hortatusque
ad capessendum secum bellum pollicentem suam
suorumque operam domum ad comparandum di-

8 mittit. Paucos post dies profecto ab Epheso con-
suli ad Magnesiam occurrit Attalus cum mille pediti-
bus equitibusque quingentis, Athenaeo fratre * iusso
cum ceteris copiis subsequi, commendata iis custodia
Pergami quos fratri regnoque fidos ^ credebat.

9 Consul collaudato iuvene cum omnibus copiis ad

^ ad ed. Froheniana 1531 : eum B : om. ~.

2 adeo r : ante B.

^ emotus r : semotus B : amotus M.

* athenaeo fratre r : athene fratre eius B.

5 fidos r : eius fidos B.

^ By sacrifice to possible hostile spirits ; cf . XXXVI.
xlii. 2, etc.

2 The praetorship of Manlius in Sicily (XXXIII. xliii. 5)
had been undistinguished, and it is not easy to see the basis
for his eulog>' of himself. He probably dwelt upon the exploits
of earlier Manlii against Gauls, as he does in xvii. 8-9 below.

38

BOOK XXXVIII. XII. 2-9

and purified ^ the army, he deUvered a speech to the b.c. 189
soldiers in which he gave great praise to their valour
because they had ended the war with Antiochus by
a single battle, and urged them to undertake a
new war with the Gauls, who had not only aided
Antiochus with auxiliaries but possessed spirits so
untamable that the expulsion of Antiochus beyond
the ridges of the Taurus mountains would be in vain
unless the power of the Gauls were broken, while as
regards himself also he added brief remarks, neither
false nor exaggerated.^ The joyous soldiers listened
to the consul with great applause, believing that the
Gauls had been only a part of the forces of Antiochus ;
after the defeat of the king there would be no strength
in the Gauls alone and by themselves. The consul
believed that Eumenes was away at an unsuitable
time — he was then in Rome ^ — as he was familiar
with the country and the people and as it was to his
interest that the power of the Gauls should be broken.*
Manlius therefore summoned Eumenes' brother
Attalus from Pergamum and urged him to join in the
prosecution of the war, and on receiving the promise of
the co-operation of himself and his countrymen sent
him home to make preparations. A few days later,
when the consul left Ephesus for Magnesia, Attalus
met him with a thousand infantry and five hundred
cavalry, having directed his brother Athenaeus to
follow with the rest of the army and having entrusted
the guardianship of Pergamum to those men whom he
deemed loyal to his brother and the throne. The
consul, praising the young man, marched with the

3 Cf. XXXVII. Hi. 1.

■* Pergamum and the Gauls were traditional enemies :
xvi. 14 below.

39

LIVY

Maeandrum progressus castra posuit, quia ^ vado
1<> superari amnis non poterat et contrahendae naves
erant ad exercitum traiciendum. Transgress! Mae-
andrum ad Hieran "^ Conien pervenerunt.

XIII. Fanuni ibi augustum Apollinis et oraculum :
sortes versibus baud inconditis dare vates dicuntur.^

2 Hinc alteris castris ad Harpasum flunien ventum est,
quo legati ab Alabandis venerunt. ut castellum. quod
ab ipsis nuper descisset,. aut auctoritate aut armis ^

3 cogeret iura antiqua pati. Eodem et Athenaeus,
Eumenis et Attali frater. cum Cretense Leuso ^
et Corrago Macedone venit ; mille pedites mix-
tarum gentium et trecentos equites secum adduxe-

1 runt. Consul tribuno militum misso cum modica
manu castellum ^ vi cepit, captum Alabandensibus
reddit." Ipse nihil via degressus ad Antiochiam

5 super Maeandrum amnem posuit castra, Huius
amni"^ fontes Celaenis oriuntur. Celaenae urbs
caput quondam Phrvgiae fuit ; migratum inde baud
procul veteribus Celaenis, novaeque urbi Apameae
nomen inditum ab Apama sorore Seleuci regis.

6 Et Marsyas amnis, baud procul a Maeandri fontibus
oriens, in Maeandrum cadit, famaque ita tenet
Celaenis Marsyan cum ApoUine tibiarum cantu

7 certasse. Maeander ex arce summa Celaenarum ^

- ad Hieran ed. Froheniana 1531 : phileram J/ : ad r :
om. B.

3 dicuntur r : dicunt B.

* armis r : om. B.

^ Leuso edd. vett. : lento B.

^ cum mod. ma. cas. r : cas. cum mod. ma. B.

' reddit ed. Froheniana 1535 : redit B : reddidit r.

^ celenanun ~ : caele atrum B.

40

BOOK XXXVIII. XII. 9-xiii. 7

entire force to the Meander and encamped, because b.c. 189
the river could not be crossed by fording and boats had
to be collected to ferry the army across. After
crossing the Meander they advanced to Hiera Come. ^___^

Xllf. There was at this place a venerable shrine of
Apollo and an oracle ; the priests, it is said, give the
responses in verses not without polish. On the second
day's march from here they came to the Harpasus
river, where ambassadors from Alabanda came with
the request that he would compel, either by authority
or by armed force, a stronghold which had recently
revolted from them to accept its ancient status.
There also came Athenaeus, the brother of Eumenes
and Attains, with Leusus the Cretan and Corragus the
Macedonian; they brought with them a thousand
infantry of different nationalities and three hundred
cavalry. The consul, sending a tribune of the
soldiers with a force of moderate size, took the
stronghold by storm and having captured it turned it
over to the people of Alabanda. He himself, not
leaving the direct road, pitched camp at Antiochia
on the Meander river. The sources of this river spring
from Celaenae. The city of Celaenae was once the
capital of Phrygia ; thence there was a migration to a
place not far from old Celaenae, and to the new town
was given the name of Apamea, from Apama, the sister
of King Seleucus.^ The Marsyas river also, rising
not far from the sources of the Meander, empties
into the Meander, and the story runs thus, that at
Celaenae Marsyas contended with Apollo in playing
on the pipes. ^ The Meander, rising on top of the
citadel of Celaenae and flowing through the centre

1 Apama was actually the wife, not the sister, of Seleucus.

2 Cf. the similar statements of Xenophon {Anab. I. ii. 7-8).

41

LI\T

ortus, media urbe decurrens, per Caras primum deinde
lonas in sinum maris editur qui ^ inter Prienen et

8 Miletum est. Ad Antiochiam in castra consulis Se-
leucus, Antiochi filius,^ ex foedere icto cum Scipione

9 ad frumentum exercitui dandum venit. Parva dis-
ceptatio de Attali auxiliaribus orta est. quod Romano
tantum militi pactum Antiochum ut daretur frumen-

10 tum Seleucus dicebat.^ Discussa ea quoque est
constantia consulis. qui misso tribune edixit ne
Romani milites acciperent priusquam Attali auxilia

11 accepissent. Inde ad Gordiutichos quod vocant
processum est. Ex eo loco ad Tabas tertiis castris
perventum. In finibus Pisidarum posita urbs est,
in ea parte quae vergit ad Pamphylium mare.
Integris viribus ^ regionis eius feroces ad bellandum

12 habebat \"iros. Tum quoque equites in agmen Roma-
num eruptione facta baud modice ^ primo impetu
turbavere ; deinde ut apparuit nee numero se ^ nee
virtute pares esse, in urbem ' compulsi veniam

13 erroris petebant, dedere urbem parati. Quinque

^ editur qui r : edituri quod B.

2 fiHus r : frater B.

^ Seleucus dicebat r : ut seleucus ducebat B.

"* uiribus r : urbibus B.

^ modice ~ : modico B.

^ se r : 0711. B.

' in urbem r : deinde B.

^ The proTisions of the treaty as given by Livy (XXXVII.
xlv; cf. Iv) say nothing of any such obligation, nor does
Polybius mention it. In xxxvii. 7 below Livy again speaks
of grain (and now money) owed under the treaty. It may
have been taken for granted that Antiochus owed supplies to
the Romans until the treaty was formally ratified.

2 Many of the place-names in the following sections are
doubtful, some by reason of corruptions in the text, some,

42

BOOK XXXVIII. XIII. 7-13

of the city, then first through Carian and later
Ionian territory, empties into the gulf of the sea which
lies between Priene and Miletus. At Antiochia,
Seleucus, the son of Antiochus, came to the consul's
camp to furnish the grain to the army in accordance
with the treaty ^ made with Scipio. There was a
short argument regarding the auxiliaries of Attalus,
since Seleucus maintained that Antiochus had bar-
gained to supply grain to the Roman soldiers only.
This too was ended by the firmness of the consul,
who sent a tribune with the order that no Roman
soldiers should receive any grain until the auxiliaries
of Attalus should have had their share. Thence he
marched to the place called Gordiutichi.^ From
there they came on the third march to Tabae. The
city lies on the borders of the Pisidians, on the side
which faces the Pamphylian sea. Since the strength
of the region was unimpaired, its men were fierce in
warfare. At this time too the cavalry, charging the
Roman column, threw it at first into no small degree
of confusion; then, when it became evident that
they w^ere equal in neither numbers nor courage,
when driven back into the town they begged pardon
for their mistake and were ready to surrender the
city. The consul exacted of them twenty-five talents

probably, because Livy did not understand his sources,
while others are not mentioned elsewhere. I have been
content in general to repeat the names as they are found
in the Latin text I have followed, realizing that beyond
question many of them are wrong.

The route of the Romans can be followed more easily on
the map than through notes. As one traces their course
one wonders whether their dominating motive, in selecting
the line of march, was the topography of the country, the
desire to come to grips with the Galatians as soon as possible,
or the profits which quickly began to come in. (See Map 3.)

43

et viginti talenta argenti et decern milia medimnum
tritici imperata ; ita in deditionem accepti.

Xn'. Tertio inde die ad Casum amnem perven-
tum ; inde profecti Erizani urbem primo impetu ce-

2 perunt. Ad Thabusion castellum imminens flumini
Indo ventum est, cui fecerat nomen Indus ab ele-

3 phanto deiectus. Hand procul a Cibyra aberant, nee
legatio ulla a Moagete, tiTanno civitatis eius,
homine ad omnia infido atque importune, veniebat.

4 Ad temptandum eius animum C. Helvium ^ cum
quattuor milibus peditum et quingentis ^ equitibus
consul praemittit. Huic agmini iam fines ingredienti
legati occurrerunt nuntiantes paratum esse tyran-

5 num ^ imperata facere ; orabant ut pacatus fines
iniret cohiberetque a populatione agri militem, et in

6 corona aurea quindecim talenta adferebant. Helvius
integros * a populatione agros servaturum pollicitus

7 ire ad consulem legatos iussit. Quibus eadem
referentibus consul " neque Romani " inquit " bonae
voluntatis ullum signum erga nos tyranni habemus,
et ipsum talem esse inter omnes constat ut de poena
eius magis quam de amicitia nobis ^ cogitandum sit."

8 Perturbati hac voce legati nihil aliud ^ petere quam
ut coronam acciperet veniendique ad eum tyranno
potestatem et copiam loquendi ac purgandi se

9 faceret. Permissu consulis postero die in castra

^ Helvium ed. Frobeniana 1535 : muluium B.

2 quingentis r : .x. B.

3 tyrannum r : tyranni B. * integros r : om. B.
° nobis r : om. B. ^ aliud ~ : om. B.

^ Livy generally uses the Latin term modius in reference to
quantities of grain (XXXI. xix. 2, etc.); here he more appro-
priately uses the Greek measure. The medijnnus was the
approximate equivalent of six modii.

44

BOOK XXXVIII. XIII. 13-XIV. 9

of silver and ten thousand medimni ^ of wheat ; on b.c. 189
these terms they were received in surrender.

XIV. On the third day from there they came to the
Casus river ; on their departure thence they took the
town of Eriza at the first assault. They came next to
Thabusium, a fortress overlooking the Indus river,
M'hich derived its name from an Indian ^ who fell from
his elephant. They were not far from Cibyra, and
no embassy was coming from Moagetes, tyrant of
that city, a man faithless and hard to deal with in
every way. To test his attitude, the consul sent Gaius
Helvius ahead with four thousand infantry and five
hundred cavalry. As this column was crossing the
frontier ambassadors met them, bringing word that
the tyrant was ready to do their bidding ; they begged
that he would enter their country peacefully and
brought him fifteen talents in the form of a golden
crown. ^ Helvius, promising to keep the farms
safe from pillage, ordered the ambassadors to go to
the consul. When they delivered the same message,
the consul said, " We Romans have no indication of the
good-will of the tyrant towards us, and it is well
known to all that he is such a person that we must
think about punishing him rather than cultivating his
friendship. ' ' ^ Dismayed by this speech, the ambassa-
dors asked nothing else than that he accept the
crown and give the tyrant the opportunity to come to
him, to speak and to defend himself. With the
permission of the consul the tyrant the next day came

2 Presumablv the driver of the elephant : cf. Polybius
I. xl; III. xlvi"^

^ Cf. ix. 13 above and the note.

* The characterization resembles that of Polybius (XXII.
xvii).

45

t^Tannus venit, vestitus comitatusque \ix ad privati
modice locupletis habitum, et oratio fuit summissa
et infracta, extenuantis opes suas urbiumque suae

10 dicionis egestatem querentis. Erant autem sub eo ^
praeter Cibyram Sylleum et ad Limnen quae ap-
pellatur. Ex his. ut se suosque spoliaret. quinque et
viginti talenta se confecturum. prope ut diffidens pol-

11 licebatur. " Enimvero " inquit consul " ferri iam
ludificatio ista non potest. Parum est non erubuisse
absent em. cum per legatos frustrareris nos ; praesens

12 quoque in eadem perstas impudentia. Quinque et
viginti talenta tyrannidem tuam exhaurient r Quin-
genta ergo talenta nisi triduo numeras, popula-

13 tionem in agris. obsidionem in urbe expecta." Hac
denuntiatione conterritus perstare ^ tamen in perti-

14 naci simulatione inopiae. Et paulatim illiberali
adiectione nunc per cavillationem, nunc precibus et
simulatis lacrimis ad centum talenta est perductus.
Adiecta decem milia medimnum frumenti. Hace
omnia intra sex dies exacta.

XV. A Cib\Ta per agros Sindensium exercitus

^ ductus, transgressusque Caularem amnem posuit

.,2 castra. Postero die et praeter Caralitin paludem

agmen ductum ; ad Madamprum manserunt. Inde

progredientibus ab Lago, proxima urbe, metu

3 incolae fugerunt ; ^ vacuum hominibus et refertum
rerum omnium copia oppidum diripuerunt. Inde
ad Lysis fluminis fontes, postero die ad Cobula-

4 tum amnem progressi. Termessenses eo tempore

^ sub eo r : om. B.

^ conterritus perstare ~ : perterritus instare B.

2 incolae fugerunt r : uincula effugerunt B.

1 Polybius (XXII. xviii) calls it Colobatus.

46

BOOK XXXVIII. XIV. 9-xv. 4

to the camp, clothed and attended in a style inferior b.c. I89
to that of a private person of moderate wealth, and
his speech was humble and incoherent, the speech
of a man who belittled his own station and lamented
the poverty of the cities under his control. Now
there were under him, in addition to Cibyra, Sylleum
and a city which they call ad Linmen. From them, by
robbing himself and his subjects, he promised,
though hesitatingly, to raise twenty-five talents.
" Come, come," replied the consul, " this trifling can-
not be endured. It is not enough that you did not
blush when, remaining away, you mocked us through
your ambassadors ; even when here you persist in
the same shamelessness. Will five-and-twenty talents
drain your tyranny dry ? Very well, unless you pay
five hundred talents in three days, look forward to the
devastation of your lands and the siege of your city."
Though terrified by this threat he nevertheless
persisted in his stubborn pretence of poverty. And
little by little by grudging concessions, now amid
much quibbling, now with prayers and feigned tears,
he was worked up to the point of paying one hundred
talents. Ten thousand medimni of grain were added.
All this was collected within six days.

XV. From Cibyra the army was led through the
territory of the people of Sinda and crossing the
Caulares river went into camp. The next day they
marched along the marsh of Caralitis ; they encamped
near Madamprus, As they advanced from there the
inhabitants fled in terror from the neighbouring town
of Lagum ; empty of men and filled with abundance
of all things, the town was sacked. Thence they
moved to the sources of the Lysis river and next day
to the Cobulatus river. ^ Troops from Termessus

47

Isiondensium arcem urbe capta oppugnabant. Inclusi,
cum alia spes auxilii nulla esset, legates ad consulem

5 orantes opera niiserunt : cum coniugibus ac liberis in
arce inclusos se mortem in dies, aut ferro ^ aut fame
patiendam, expectare. ^^olenti consuli causa in

6 Pamphyliam devertendi ^ oblata est. Adveniens
obsidione Isiondenses exemit ; Termesso pacem
dedit quinquaginta talentis argenti acceptis ; item

7 Aspendiis ceterisque Pamphyliae populis. Ex Pam-
phylia rediens ad fluvium Taurum primo die, postero
ad Xylinen quam vocant Comen posuit castra. Pro-
fectus inde continentibus itineribus ad Cormasa

8 urbem pervenit. Darsa proxima urbs erat ; eam
metu incolarum desertam, plenam omnium rerum
copia invenit. Progredienti praeter paludes legati

9 ab Lysinoe dedentes civitatem venerunt. Inde in
agrum Sagalassenum, uberem fertilenrque omni
genere frugum, ventum est. Colunt Pisidae, longe
optiim bello regionis eius. Cum ea res animos fecit ^
tum agri fecunditas et multitude hominum et situs

10 inter paucas munitae urbis. Consul, quia nulla
legatio ad finem praesto fuerat, praedatum in agros
misit. Tum demum fracta pertinacia est ut ferri

1 1 agique res suas viderunt ; legatis missis pacti quin-
quaginta talentis et viginti milibus medimnum

12 tritici, viginti hordei. pacem impetraverunt. Pro-
gressus inde ad Rhotrinos fontes ad vicum, quem

^ ferro r : om. B.

- devertendi Drakenborch : reuertendi Br : diuertendi 21.

^ fecit aut facit T: om. B.

^ The sites in this sentence cannot be placed, but Manlius
has clearly turned north towards his proper route into Galatia.

48

BOOK XXXVIII. XV. 4-12

were at that time besieging the citadel of the b.c. 189
Isiondenses after capturing the town. The besieged,
since there was no other hope of reUef, sent envoys
to the consul asking aid : shut up in the citadel with
their wives and children, they were expecting death
day by day, to be suffered by either the sword or
starvation. Thus the eager consul was offered an
occasion to turn aside into Pamphylia. By his
arrival he rescued the Isiondenses from siege ; on
payment of fifty talents of silver he granted peace to
Termessus ; he did the same for the Aspendians and
other peoples of Pamphylia. Returning from Pam-
phylia, he encamped the first day on the river Taurus,
the next at what they call Xylines Come.^ Advancing
from there by continuous marches he came to the
city of Cormasa. Darsa is the nearest town ; this he
found deserted by the inhabitants through fear, but
full of all sorts of supplies. As he marched along the
marshes ambassadors came from Lysinoe surrender-
ing their city. Then they entered the country of the
Sagalassenes, rich and abounding in all kinds of
crops. Pisidians inhabit it, by far the best warriors
in this region. This circumstance gave them
courage, as well as the fertility of the soil and their
large population and the situation of their fortified
town in a land where such strongholds were few.
Since no embassy met him at the frontier, the consul
sent out parties to plunder the fields. Then at last
their stubbornness was broken when they saw^ their
property being carried and driven away; sending
ambassadors and agreeing to pay fifty talents, twenty
thousand medimni of wheat and as many of barley, they
obtained peace. Then he proceeded to the Rhotrine
s wrings nd encamped at a village which they call

49

VOL. XI. E

LR-Y

Acoridos Comen vocant, posuit castra. Eo Seleucus

13 ab Apamea postero die venit. Aegros inde et inutilia
impedimenta cum Apameam dimisisset, ducibus
itinerum ab Seleuco acceptis profectus eo die in
Metropolitanum campum, postero die Dynias Phry-

14 giae processit. Inde Synnada venit, metu omnibus"
circa oppidis desertis. Quorum praeda ^ lam grave
agmen trahens \-ix quinque milium die toto itinere
perfecto ad Beudos, quod vetus appellant, pervenit.

15 Ad Anabura inde, et altero die ad Alandri fontes,
tertio ad Abbassium posuit castra. Ibi plures dies
stativa habuit, quia perventum erat ad Tolostobo-
giorum fines.

XVI. Galli, magna hominum vis, seu inopia agri
seu praedae spe, nullam gentem, per quam ituri
essent, parem armis rati, Brenno duce in Dardanos

2 pervenerunt. Ibi seditio orta est ; ad viginti milia
hominum cum Lonorio ac Lutario reguHs secessione

3 facta a Brenno in Thraeciam iter avertunt. Ubi
cum resistentibus pugnando, pacem petentibus
stipendium imponendo Byzantium cum pervenissent,
aliquamdiu oram Propontidis, vectigales habendo

4 regionis eius urbes, obtinuerunt. Cupido inde eos
in Asiam transeundi, audientes ex propinquo quanta

1 quorum praeda ~ : om. B.

1 Both places and names are uncertain.

- The names of the Galatian tribes to which Manlius has
now come are quite imcertain. I have given them in the
forms used in the text.

The defective condition of the text of Poh'bius deprives
us of the opportunity to test the relation between Polybius
and Liyv' in their accounts of the anabasis of Manlius. A
war-diarv- or other special source maj' be suspected for both.

3 Livy here digresses to describe the migration of the Gauls
to Asia Minor in 278 B.C.

50

BOOK XXXVIII. XV. I2-XVI. 4

Acoridos Come.^ Thither the next day Seleucus
came from Apamea. When he had sent back from
there to Apamea the sick and his unserviceable
equipment, receiving from Seleucus guides for the
march, he came that day into the country of Metro-
polis and the following day to Dyniae in Phrygia.
In-om there he marched to Synnada, all the towns in
the neighbourhood being deserted through fear.
Dragging after him a column which was now over-
loaded with their booty and barely accomplishing a
march of five miles in a whole day, he arrived at
Beudi, which they call " the Old." Next he reached
Anabura and the following day the sources of the
Alander, and the third he encamped at Abbassius.
There he maintained his camp for many days because
he had come to the frontiers of the Tolostobogii.^

XVI. The Gauls ,3 a vast horde of men, whether
moved by shortage of land or hope of plunder, feeling
assured that no people through which they would
pass was their match in war, under the leadership
of Brennus came into the country of the Dar-
danians.4 There strife broke out among them;
about twenty thousand men, with Lonorius and
Lutarius as their chiefs, seceded from Brennus and
turned aside into Thrace. There, when they had
penetrated as far as Byzantium, contending against
those who resisted and imposing tribute upon those
who sought peace, they occupied for a considerable
time the coast of the Propontis, holding as tributaries
the cities of the district. Then the desire of crossing
into Asia seized them, as they heard from their

* Livy omits to mention the visit to Greece and the attack
on Delphi (xlviii. 2 below; XL. Iviii. 3).

e2

ubertas eius terrae esset, cepit; et Lysimachia
fraude capta Chersonesoque omni armis possessa ad

5 Hellespontum descenderunt. Ibi vero exiguo di-
\-isam ^ freto cernentibus Asiam multo magis animi
ad transeundum accensi ; nuntiosque ad Antipatrum
praefectum eius orae de transitu mittebant. Quae
res cuTQ lentius spe ipsorum traheretur, alia rursus

6 nova inter regulos seditio orta est. Lonorius retro
unde venerat cum maiore parte hominum repetit
Byzantium ; Lutarius Macedonibus per speciem
legationis ab Antipatro ad speculandum missis duas
tectas naves et tres lembos adimit. lis alios atque
alios dies noctesque travehendo - intra paucos dies

7 omnes copias traicit.^ Haud ita multo post Lo-
norius adiuvante Nicomede Bithyniae rege a By-

8 zantio transmisit. Coeunt deinde in unum rursus
Galli et auxilia Nicomedi dant adversus Ziboetam,

9 tenentem partem Bithyniae, gerenti bellum. Atque
eorum maxime opera de\'ictus Ziboeta est, Bithy-
niaque omnis in dicionem Nicomedis concessit.
Profecti ex Bithynia in Asiam processerunt. Non
plus ex viginti milibus hominum quam decem armata

10 erant. Tamen tantum terroris omnibus quae cis
Taurum incolunt gentibus iniecerunt, ut quas
adissent quasque non adissent, pariter ultimae

11 propinquis, imperio parerent. Postremo cum tres
essent gentes, Tolostobogii Trocmi Tectosages, in

^ diuisam r : diuisis B.

- noctesque trauehendo r : noctemque trahendo B.

^ traicdt \y eissenborn : traiecit Br.

^ Xicomedes and Ziboetas were brothers, sons of the elder
Ziboetas, the first king of Bithynia.

52

BOOK XXXVIII. XVI. 4-1 1

neighbours how rich was this land ; and having taken b.c. 189
Lysimachia by treachery and occupied the whole
Chersonesus by force of arms they came down to
the Hellespont. There, as they saw Asia separated
from them by a narrow strait, their souls were even
more inflamed with the desire to cross, and they sent
messengers to Antipater, the prefect of this coast,
regarding the crossing. When this negotiation was
dragging out longer than they had expected, another
new revolt broke out between the chiefs. Lonorius
with the larger part of the men went back to
Byzantium whence he had come ; Lutarius, when
Macedonians were sent by Antipater to spy, under
cover of being an embassy, took from them two
decked ships and three cruisers. Using these as
ferry-boats day after day and night after night,
within a few days he transported his entire force.
Only a little later Lonorius, with the aid of Nico-
medes,^ king of Bithynia, crossed from Byzantium.
Then the Gauls were once more united and aided
Nicomedes in the war he was waging against
Ziboetas, who held the greater part of Bithynia.
And, principally as a result of their assistance,
Ziboetas was conquered and all Bithynia acknow-
ledged the sovereignty of Nicomedes. Setting out
from Bithynia they made their way into Asia. Of
their twenty thousand men, not more than ten
thousand were armed. Nevertheless, they inspired
such terror in all the peoples who dwell on this side
of the Taurus, those whom they approached and
those whom they did not approach, that the most
distant and the nearest alike obeyed their orders.
Finally, since there were three tribes, the Tolo-
stobogii, the Trocmi, and the Tectosages, they split

53

LIVY

tres partes, qua cuique populorum suorum vectigalis

12 Asia esset, diviserunt. Trocmis Hellesponti ora
data ; Tolostobogii Aeolida atque loniam, Tecto-
sages mediterranea Asiae sortiti sunt. Et sti-

13 pendium tota cis Taurum Asia exigebant, sedem
autem ipsi sibi circa Halyn flumen cepere. Tan-
tusque terror eorum nominis erat, multitudine etiam
magna subole aucta, ut Syriae quoque ad postremum

14 reges stipendium dare non abnuerent. Primus
Asiam incolentium abnuit Attalus, pater regis
Eumenis ; audacique incepto praeter opinionem
omnium adfuit fortuna, et signis collatis superior
fuit. Non tamen ita infregit animos eorum ut absis-

15 terent imperio ; eaedem opes usque ^ ad bellum
Antiochi cum Romanis manserunt. Tum quoque,
pulso Antiocho. magnam spem habuerunt, quia
procul mari incolerent, Romanum exercitum ad se
non 2 perventurum.

XVII. Cum hoc hoste, tam terribili omnibus re-
gionis eius, quia bellum gerendum erat, pro contione
milites in hunc maxime modum adlocutus est consul :

2 " Non me praeterit, milites, omnium quae Asiam

3 colunt gentium Gallos fama belli praestare. Inter
mitissimum genus hominum ferox natio pervagata
bello prope orbem terrarum sedem cepit. Procera

^ eaedem opes usque r : aedem ophesusque B.
2 ad se non r : ad senatum B.

^ Their territory was called Galatia, comprising parts of
Phrygia and Cappadocia.

- The Seleucid kingdom was weakened by internal dis-
sension and wars with Egypt, but may not have paid tribute
regularly.

3 Cf. XXXIII. xxi. 3.

54

BOOK XXXVIII. XVI. ii-xvii. 3

up into three divisions, according to the states of Asia b.c. isd
which each held as tributaries. To the Trocmi the
coast of the Hellespont was assigned; the Tolo-
stobogii received by the lot Aeolis and Ionia, the
Tectosages the interior parts of Asia. And they
exacted tribute from all Asia on this side of the
Taurus, but established their own dwellings along
the river Halys,^ And so great was the terror of
their name, their numbers being also enlarged by
great natural increase, that in the end even the
kings of Syria ^ did not refuse to pay them tribute.
Attalus, the father of King Eumenes, was the first
of the inhabitants of Asia to refuse, and his bold
step, contrary to the expectation of all, was aided by
fortune and he worsted the Gauls in pitched battle.^
Yet he did not cow them so thoroughly that they
refrained from exercising their power ; * their strength
remained the same until the war between Antiochus
and the Romans. Even then, after the defeat of
Antiochus, they entertained great hopes that, since
they lived far from the sea, the Roman army would
not march against them.

X\TI. Since war was to be waged with this enemy,
so terrible to all the inhabitants of this region, the
consul summoned an assembly and addressed the
soldiers in about this fashion: " It does not escape
me, soldiers, that of all the peoples who inhabit
Asia the Gauls stand first in reputation for war.
Among peoples of the most unwarlike sort this fierce
tribe, travelling up and down in war, has almost
made the world its residence. Tall bodies, long

* The displays of power which Livy has in mind were
probably raids and demands for tribute. Possibly, however,
imperium should be understood in a geographical sense.

55

corpora, promissae et rutilatae comae, vasta scuta,

4 praeloiigi gladii : ad hoc cantus ineuntium proelium

5 et ululatus et tripudia, et quatientium scuta in pa-
trium quendam modum horrendus armorum crepitus,
omnia de industria composita ad terrorem. Sed
haec, quibus insolita atque insueta sunt, Graeci et
Phryges et Cares timeant ; Romanis Gallici tuniultus

6 assueti, etiani vanitates notae sunt. Semel primo
congressu ad Alliam ec; olim fugerunt maiores
nostri : ^ ex eo tempore per ducentos iam annos
pecorum in modum consternatos caedunt fugantque,
et plures prope de Gallis triumphi quam de toto
orbe terrarum acti sunt. Iam usu hoc cognitum

7 est : si primum impetum quern, fer^-ido ingenio et
caeca ira efFundunt, sustinueris. fluunt sudore et
lassitudine membra, labant arma ; mollia corpora,
moUes, ubi ira consedit, animos sol pulvis sitis ut

8 ferrum non admoveas prosternunt. Non legionibus
legiones eorum solum experti sumus, sed \'ir unus
cum \-iro congrediendo T. Manlius, M. Valerius
quantum Gallicam rabiem vinceret ^ Romana virtus

9 docuerunt. Iam M. Manlius unus agmine scandentes
in Capitohum detrusit Gallos. Et illis maioribus
nostris cum haud dubiis Gallis. in sua terra genitis,

^ ad Alliam eos olim fugerunt maiores nostri Modius : ad
alia olim fugerunt maiores nostros B : ad alliam eos olim
fuderunt maiores uestri J/ : ad alliam olim fuderunt maiores
nostros r.

2 uineeret r : otn. B.

1 Turnnltvs, which became almost technical for uprisings
in Gaul (XXXI. x. 1, etc.), is here used in a diflferent sense,
as a summan,- of what has just preceded.

c6

BOOK XXXVIII. XVII. 3-9

reddish hair, huge shields, very long swords; in b.c. 189
addition, songs as they go into battle and yells and
leapings and the dreadful din of arms as they clash
shields according to some ancestral custom — all these
are deliberately used to terrify their foes. But let
Greeks and Phrygians and Carians fear these things
to which they are unused and unaccustomed ; to
Romans Gallic riotings ^ are familiar and their vain
displays too are well known. Once, when we first met
them at the Allia,^ our ancestors long ago fled before
them ; from that time now for two hundred years,
terrified like animals they are slain and routed, and
more triumphs, almost, have been celebrated over
the Gauls than over all the world. This has now
been learned by experience : if you bear up under
their first onset, into which they rush with glowing
enthusiasm and blind passion, their limbs grow lax
with sweat and weariness, their weapons fall from
their hands ; their soft bodies, their soft souls (when
passion subsides) are overcome by sun, dust, thirst,
so that they cannot use their arms. Not only when
matched legion to legion have we learned this, but
when fighting man to man alone. Titus Manlius,
Marcus Valerius have shown how far Roman valour
surpasses Gallic madness. Then Marcus Manlius
alone thrust down the Gauls as they climbed in close
array to the Capitoline.^ And those forefathers of
ours had to do with true Gauls, born in their own

2 The river which was the scene of the defeat which led to
the capture of Rome (traditionally dated 390 B.C.); of. V.
xxxvii.-xxxix.

^ The three Romans named were famous for their exploits
against the Gauls. The consul is quite willing to have the
fact recalled that two of the three were members of his own
gens.

57

res erat : hi iam degeneres sunt, mixti, et Gallo-

10 graeci vere, quod appellantur ; sicut in frugibus
pecudibusque non tantum semina ad servandam
indolem valent, quantum terrae proprietas caelique

11 sub quo aluntur mutat.^ Macedones, qui Alex-
andrian! in Aegypto, qui Seleuciam ac Babyloniam,
quique alias sparsas per orbem terrarum colonias
habent, in Syros Parthos Aegyptios degenerarunt ;

12 Massilia. inter Gallos sita, traxit aliquantum ab
accolis animorum ; Tarentinis quid ex Spartana

13 dura ilia et horrida disciplina mansit ? Est- gene-
rosius, in sua ^ quidquid sede gignitur ; insitum
alienae terrae in id quo ^ alitur, natura yertente se,
degenerat.'^ Phrygas igitur Gallicis oneratos armis,
sicut in acie Antiochi cecidistis,^ yictos yictores, cae-

14 detis. Magis yereor ne parum inde gloriae, quam
lo ne nimium belli sit. Attalus eos rex saepe fudit

fuga\itque. Nolite existimare beluas tantum recens ^
captas feritatem illam siKestrem primo seryare, dein,
cum diu manibus humanis aluntur, mitescere, in
hominum feritate mulcenda non eandem naturam
16 esse. Eosdemne hos ^ creditis esse, qui patres
eorum a\'ique fuerunt ? Extorres inopia agrorum
profecti domo per asperrimam Illyrici oram, Paeo-
niam inde et Thraeciam pugnando cum ferocissimis

^ mutat r : mutant B.

- Est Weissenborn : om. B~.

m sua ; : om

.B.

* quo ed. Parisina 1.51.3 : quod Br.

^ natura uertente se degenerat r : natam uertentes B.

^ cecidistis r : cedetis B.

^ recens Ascen-sius : recent is B : recentes ~.

^ hos r : hostes B.

^ The characterization given by the Rhodians (XXXVII.
liv. 21-22) is quite different and probably more accurate.

58

BOOK XXXVIII. XVII. 9-16

land ; these now are degenerates, of mixed race, and b.c. 189
really Gallogrecians, as they are named; just as, in
the case of plants and animals, the seeds have less
power to maintain their natm'al quality than the
character of the soil and climate in which they live
has power to change it. The Macedonians who
hold Alexandria in Egypt, who hold Seleucia and
Babylonia and other colonies scattered throughout
the world, have degenerated into Syrians, Parthians,
Egyptians ; Massilia,i situated among the Gauls, has
acquired something of the disposition of its neigh-
bours ; what have the Tarentines retained of that
stern and dreadful Spartan discipline ? Whatever
grows in its own soil has greater excellence ; trans-
planted to another soil, its nature being modified to
suit that in which it groM^s, it loses its virtue. It is
Phrygians, 2 therefore, burdened with the weapons
of Gauls, whom, even as you slew them in the battle-
line of Antiochus, you will slay, victorious over the
vanquished. I am afraid that there will be too little
of glory rather than too much of war. King Attalus
has often repulsed and routed them. Do not think
that it is only beasts which when newly caught first
retain that fierceness of their forest life, and then,
when long fed by the hands of men, grow tame, but
that in moderating the ferocity of men nature does
not do the same. Do you believe that these are
the same men that their fathers and their grand-
fathers were ? Exiles on account of the poverty of
the land, they left home, travelling through the most
inhospitable land of Illyricum, then Paeonia and
Thrace, fighting with the fiercest tribes, and seized

2 The Phrygians of Livy's time were proverbially effeminate :
cf., e.g., Virgil, Aen. IV. 215-216.

59

17 gentibus emensi, has terras ceperunt. Duratos eos
tot malis exasperatosque accepit terra, quae copia
omnium rerum saginaret. Uberrimo agro. mitissimo
caelo, clementibus accolarum ingeniis omnis ilia,

18 cum qua venerant, mansuefacta est feritas. Vobis
mehercule. Martiis \"iris, cavenda ac fugienda quam
primum amoenitas est Asiae : tantum hae pere-
grinae voluptates ad extinguendum \-igoremi ani-
morum possunt ; tantum ^ contagio disciplinae

19 morisque accolarum valet. Hoc tamen feliciter
evenit, quod sicut \im adversus vos nequaquam, ita
famam apud Graecos parem illi antiquae obtinent,

20 cimi qua venerunt. belHque gloriam victores eandem
inter socios habebitis, quam si servantes antiquum
specimen animorum Gallos \-icissetis."

XVIII. Contione dimissa missisque ad Eposogna-
tum legatis, qui unus ex regulis et in Eumenis man-
serat amicitia - et negaverat Antiocho adversus
Romanes auxilia, castra mo\'it. Primo die ad
Alandrum flumen, postero ad vicum quem vocant

2 Tyscon ventum. Eo legati Oroandensium cum
venissent amicitiam petentes, ducenta talenta his
sunt imperata, precantibusque ^ ut domum renun-

3 tiarent potestas facta. Ducere inde exercitum
consul ad Pliten intendit ; deinde ad Alyattos castra
posita. Eo missi ad Eposognatum redierunt, et

^ tantum ed. Frobenianu 1535 : quantum Br.

- amicitia r : inamicitia B.

^ precantibusque r : precantibus B.

^ Such philosophizing seems hardly consistent with the
character of Manlius and doubtfully appropriate to the
occasion. Perhaps Liy\' wishes to prepare the reader for his
analysis of Asiatic influence in XXXTX. i. and elsewhere,

6o

BOOK XXXVIII. XVII. 16-XV111. 3

these lands. Toughened and hardened by so many b.c. 189
misfortunes, they were received by a land which could
stuff them with its abundance of all things. In a land
most rich, under a sky most kindly, among natives
mild in disposition, all that fierceness with which
they came has grown gentle. You, by Hercules,
being men of Mars, must escape and avoid as soon as
possible the pleasantness of Asia : such power have
these foreign delights to destroy the vigour of the
soul; such influence does contact with the habits
and character of the natives exert. ^ Yet this turns
out well in this respect — that, while their strength
against you is vain, still their reputation among the
Greeks is the same as that of old, which they had
w^hen they came, and you will win, as victors, the
same military glory among our allies as if you had
conquered Gauls who had preserved their ancient
t)^e of courage." -^

XVIII. Dismissing; the meetino; and sending;

o o O

envoys to Eposognatus, who alone of the chiefs had
both remained loyal to Eumenes and refused to aid
Antiochus against the Romans, he moved his camp.
The first day he marched to the Alander river, the
second to the village which they call Tyscon. When
ambassadors from the people of Oroanda had come
there asking friendship, he demanded of them two
hundred talents and granted them permission to
report this at home. Then the consul proceeded to
lead the army towards Plite ; next he encamped at
Alyatti. There the messengers sent to Eposog-
natus returned, accompanied by ambassadors of

especially since he holds Manlius responsible for the enervation
of his own soldiers and indirectly of Rome. If Polybius
had a corresponding speech it is, unfortunately, lost.

61

LIVY

legati reguli orantes ne Tectosaocis bellum inferret ;
ipsum ^ in earn gentem iturum Eposognatum per-

4 suasurumque "^ ut imperata faciant. Data venia
regulo. duci inde exercitus per Axvlon quam vocant
terrain coeptus. Ab re nomen habet : non ligni
modo quicquam, sed ne spinas quidem aut ullum
aliud alimentum fert ignis ; fimo bubulo pro lignis

5 utuntur. Ad Cuballum, Gallograeciae castellum,
castra habentibus Romanis apparuere cum magno
tumultu hostium equites. nee turbarunt tantum
Romanas stationes repente invecti ^ sed quosdam

6 etiam occiderunt. Qui tumultus cum in castra
perlatus esset, effusus repente omnibus portis equi-
tatus Romanus fudit fugavitque Gallos et aliquot

7 fugientes occidit. Inde consul, ut qui iam ad hostes
perventum cerneret, explorato deinde et cum cura
coacto agmine procedebat. Et continentibus itineri-
bus cum ad Sangarium flumen venisset, pontem, quia

8 vado nusquam transitus erat. facere instituit. San-
garius ex Adoreo monte per Phrygiam fluens mis-
cetur ad Bithyniam Tymbri fluvio : inde maior iam
geminatis aquis per Bithyniam fertur et in Pro-
pontidem sese * efFundit, non tamen tam magni-
tudine memorabilis, quam piscium accolis ingentem

9 vim praebet. Transgressis ponte perfecto flumen
praeter ripam euntibus Galli Matris Magnae ^ a

persuasurumque r : peruasurumque B.
inuecti ~ : inuectis B.
propontidem sese r : proponti dense se B.
macrnae r : orn. B.

1 Assumiag with Livy that Axylon is a Greek word,
means " woodless."

62

BOOK XXXVIII. XVIII. 3-9

that chief, who asked him not to make war upon the b.c i89
Tectosagi ; Eposognatus himself, they said, would
go to that tribe and persuade them to do what was
ordered. Granting this favour to the chief, he
began to lead the army through the district which
is called Axylon. It derives its name from the fact :
it not only produces no wood at all but not even
thorns or any other food for fire ; they use cow-dung
in place of wood. ^ While the Romans were encamped
near Cuballum, a fortress of Galatia, the enemy's
cavalry appeared with great uproar, and not only
threw the Roman outguards into confusion by their
unexpected attack, but even killed some men.
When this disorder was reported in the camp, the
Roman cavalry, pouring in haste from all the gates,
repulsed and routed the Gauls and killed a consider-
able number in their flight. Thenceforth the consul,
since he realized that he had now encountered the
enemy, marched with scouts sent in advance and his
column carefully formed. And when, marching
without interruption, he had reached the Sangarius
river, he determined to build a bridge, since there
was nowhere a way to cross it by fording. The
Sangarius river, flowing from Mount Adoreus through
Phrygia, is joined near Bithynia by the river Thym-
bres ; thence, enlarged by the doubling of its waters,
it flows through Bithynia and discharges into the
Propontis,^ being, however, not so remarkable for
its size as because it furnishes the inhabitants with
vast quantities of fish. When they had finished the
bridge and crossed the river and were marching along
the bank, Galli of the Great Mother from Pessinus

2 The river actually empties into the Euxine sea. It is
now the Sakaria.

63

Pessinunte occurrere cum insignibus suis, vatici-
nantes fanatico carmine deam Romaiiis viam belli et

10 victoriam dare imperiumque eius regionis. Accipere
se omen cum dixisset consul, castra eo ipso loco

11 posuit. Postero die ad Gordium pervenit. Id
haud magnum quidem oppidum est, sed plus quam
mediterraneum celebre et frequens emporium.

12 Tria maria pari ferme distantia intervallo habet, ad
Hellespontum, ad Sinopen, et alterius orae litora ^
qua Cilices maritimi colunt ; multarum magnarumque
praeterea gentium fines contingit,^ quarum com-
mercium in eum maxime locum mutui usus con-

13 traxere. Id tum desertum fuga incolarum oppidum,
refertum idem copia rerum omnium invenerunt.

14 Ibi stativa habentibus legati ab Eposognato venerunt
nuntiantes profectum eum ad regulos Gallorum

15 nihil aequi impetrasse ; ex ^ campestribus vicis
agrisque frequentes demigrare et cum * coniugibus
ac liberis, quae ferre atque agere possint, prae se
agentes portantesque 01}Tnpum montem petere, ut
inde armis locorumque situ sese tueantur.

XIX. Certiora postea Oroandensium legati attu-
leruntj Tolostobogiorum civitatem Ohmipum mon-
tem ^ cepisse ; diversos Tectosagos alium montem,
2 Magaba qui dicatur, petisse ; Trocmos coniugibus ac

^ litora r : litore B. - contingit ~ : om. B.

^ ex r : om. B.
^ cum r : om. B.
^ montem r : om. B.

1 Cf. XXXVII. ix. 9. The Magna Mater had been broug'it
to Rome from Pessinus (XXIX. xi. 7, etc.). The GaUi were
eunuchs devoted to her service.

64

BOOK XXXVIII. XVIII. 9-xix. 2

met them,^ wearing their ritual ornaments and b.c. 189
prophesying in their frenzied chants that the goddess
was granting to the Romans the way of war and
victory and dominion over this region. The consul
said that he accepted the omen and encamped on
that very spot. Next day he moved to Gordium.
This is not indeed a large town, but is a market
visited and frequented more than is usually the case
with an inland city. It has three seas about equi-
distant from it, the Hellespont, the sea at Sinope
and the shores of the opposite sea where the Cilicians
of the coast dwell ; besides, it adjoins the borders of
several strong states, and their mutual needs concen-
trated their intercourse at this place especially. At
this time the Romans found it deserted by the flight
of the inhabitants, but likewise filled with abundance
of all things. While he was maintaining a base
there, ambassadors from Eposognatus came reporting
that his visit to the chiefs of the Gauls had won no
fair response ; from the villages and farms in the
plains they were moving in large numbers, accom-
panied by their waves and children, driving ahead of
them and carrying what they could carry and drive ,2
and were making for the Olympus mountain, that
thence they might maintain themselves by arms and
by the situation of the place.

XIX. Later the ambassadors from the people of
Oroanda brought surer news, that the tribe of the
Tolostobogii had occupied the Olympus range ; that
the Tectosagi, separated from them, had made for
another mountain which was called Magaba ; that
the Trocmi had left their wives and children among

2 This combination of verbs is usually used of booty being
removed by an enemy : so in xv. 10 above.

6s

VOL. XI. F

LRY

liberis apud Tectosagos depositis armatorum agmine ^
Tolostobogiis statuisse auxilium ferre. Erant autem
tunc trium populorum reguli Ortiago et Combolo-

3 marus et Gaulotus. lis haec maxime ratio belli
siunendi fuerat. quod cum montes editissimos regionis
eius tenerent, convectis omnibus quae ad usum
quam\'is longi temporis sufficerent, taedio se fati-

4 gaturos hostem censebant : nam neque ausuros per
tarn ardua atque iniqua loca subire eos et. si cona-
rentur, vel pana manu prohiberi aut deturbari posse,
nee quietos in radicibus montium gelidorum sedentes

5 frigus aut inopiam laturos. Ac cum ipsa altitude
locorum eos tutaretur, fossam quoque et alia muni-
menta verticibus iis quos insederant circumiecere.

6 Minima apparatus missilium telorum cura fuit,
quod saxa adfatim praebituram asperitatem ipsam
locorum credebant.

XX. Consul quia non comminus pugnam sed
procul locis oppugnandis futuram praeceperat animo,
in^entem \"im pilorum, velitarium hastarum, sagitta-
rum glandesque et modicorum qui funda mitti

2 possent lapidum - paraverat, instructusque mis-
silium apparatu ad Olympum montem ducit et a

3 quinque ferme milibus castra locat. Postero die
cum quadringentis equitibus et Attalo progressum
eum ad naturam montis situmque Gallicorum cas-
trorum \-isendum equites hostium, duplex numerus,
effusi ^ e castris, in fugam averterunt ; occisi quoque

^ agmiiie r : agmen B.

2 mitti possent lapidum ed. Frobeniana 1535 : lapidum

possent B : mitti lapidum possent
3 efiusi Kreyssig : effusus B.

66

BOOK XXXVIII. XIX. 2-xx. 3

the Tectosagi and with their armed forces on the
march had decided to aid the Tolostobogii. The
chiefs of these three tribes at this time were
Ortiago and Combolomarus and Gaulotus. They
had adopted this plan particularly for conducting the
M^ar — that, when they had occupied the highest peaks
in the region, conveying everything there which
would be sufficient for their use over however long
a period, they would wear down the enemy by
exhaustion; for, they were convinced, the Romans
would neither venture to climb over such steep and
difficult ground, and, if they did attempt it, they
could be stopped even by a small force or pushed
back, nor would they sit quietly at the foot of cold
mountains and endure chill and hunger. And,
although the very height of the place was a defence,
they also threw a ditch and other fortifications
around the summits which they had occupied. They
took little forethought for a supply of missile weapons,
because they believed that the very roughness of
the terrain would furnish stones in abundance.

XX. The consul, because he had foreseen, as a result
of reflection, that the fighting would not be done hand
to hand but by making attacks from a distance, had
prepared a vast quantity of javelins, skirmishers'
spears, arrows, bullets and stones of moderate size
which could be thrown from slings, and equipped with
this supply of missiles he led the army towards the
Olympus mountain and encamped about five miles
away. The next day, taking Attains and four
hundred cavalry, he set out to survey the character
of the mountain and the situation of the Gallic camp,
but the cavalry of the enemy, in double his number,
rushing out of the camp put him to flight ; a few

67
f2

LIVY

4 pauci fugientium. vulnerati plures. Tertio die cum
omnibus ad loca exploranda profectus, quia nemo
hostium extra munimenta processit, tuto circum-
vectus montem, animadvertit meridiana regione
terrenos et plaeide aeclives ad quendam finem colles

5 esse, a septentrione arduas et rectas prope rupes,
atque omnibus ferme aliis inviis itinera tria esse,
unum medio monte, qua terrena erant, duo diffieilia
ab hiberno solis ortu et ab aestivo occasu. Haec
contemplatus eo die sub ipsis radicibus posuit castra ;

6 postero. sacrificio facto, cum primis hostiis litasset,
trifariam exercitum di\-isum ducere ad hostem pergit.

7 Ipse cum maxima parte copiarum, qua aequissimum
aditum praebebat mons, ascendit ; L. Manlium
fratrem ab hiberno ortu, quoad loca patiantur et tuto

8 possit, subire iubet ; si qua periculosa et praerupta
occurrant, non pugnare cum iniquitate locorum
neque inexsuperabilibus vim adferre, sed obliquo

9 monte ad se declinare et suo agmini coniungi ; C.
Helvium cum tertia parte circuire sensim per infima
montis, deinde ab occasu aestivo erigere agmen.
Et Attali auxilia trifariam aequo numero di visit,

lu secum esse ipsum iuvenem iussit. Equitatum cum

1 Roughh', the south-east and north-west sides.

2 It was regarded as especially propitious if the entrails
of the first animals sacrificed gave favourable omens : of.
XXXVI. i. 3.

68

BOOK XXXVIII. XX. 3-IO

were killed in the flight, a larger number wounded, b.c. 189
The third day he proceeded with his entire force to
reconnoitre the ground, and, because no one of the
enemy came out beyond the fortifications, he rode
in safety around the mountain, and observed that
on the southern side the hills were covered with
earth and sloped gently up to a certain point, that
on the north there were steep and almost perpen-
dicular cliffs, and that although almost everything
else was impassable there were three roads, one in
the centre of the mountain, where it was covered
with soil, two difficult, on the side of the winter rising
of the sun and of its summer setting. ^ Having
inspected them, he encamped that day at the very
base ; the following day, having offered sacrifice
and obtained favourable omens from the first
victims,^ he divided the army into three columns and
began the advance against the enemy. He himself,
with the largest part of the forces, made the ascent
where the mountain offered the most gradual slope ;
he directed his brother Lucius Manlius to move
forward on the side of the winter rising, as far as
the terrain permitted and as he could go in safety ;
if any dangerous and steep places confronted him
he was not to contend against the unfavourable
character of the ground or struggle with insuperable
obstacles, but to turn aside crosswise over the
mountain towards the consul and join his column ;
his orders to Gaius Helvius, commanding the third
contingent, were to go slowly around the base of the
mountain and then climb up on the side of the
summer setting. The auxiliaries of Attains he also
divided into three sections, and ordered the young
man himself to attend him. The cavalry with the

69

elephantis in proxima tuniulis planitie reliquit ;
edictum praefectis ut intenti quid ^ ubique geratur
animadvertant opemque ferre quo postulet res
possint.

XXL Galli ab - duobus lateribus satis fidentes
invia esse, ab ea parte quae in meridiem vergeret,
ut armis clauderent viam, quattuor milia fere
armatorum ad tumulum imminentem viae minus
mille passuum a castris occupandum mittunt,^ eo se
rati veluti castello iter impedituros. Quod ubi
Romani viderunt, expediunt sese ad pugnam. Ante
signa modico intervallo velites eunt et ab Attalo
Cretenses sagittarii et funditores et Tralli et Thraeces ;
signa peditum, ut per arduum, leni gradu ducuntur,
ita prae se habentium scuta ut missilia tantum vita-
rent, pede collato non ^'iderentur pugnaturi. Missi-
libus ex intervallo loci proelium commissum est,
primo par, Gallos loco adiuvante, Romanos varietate
et copia telorum : procedente certamine nihil iam
aequi erat. Scuta longa ceterum ad amplitudinem
corporum parum lata, et ea ipsa plana, male *
tegebant Gallos. Xec tela iam alia habebant

^ quid r : quod B.

2 ab r : et ab B.

^ mittunt r : mittit B.

* plana male r : plana B.

^ On the return of ^lanlius to Rome his critics, Furius and
Aemilius, savagely aesailed him, partly on account of his conduct
of this campaign (xlv-xlvi below). A less prejudiced examina-
tion of his tactical dispositions, while recognizing that his
advance up the mountain in the face of the enemy was contrary
to Roman practice and, under normal circumstances, too
rash, judges him entitled to considerable praise as a tactician
(cf. Pauly-Wissowa, XIV. col. 1219).

70

BOOK XXXVIII. XX. lo-xxi. 5

elephants he left in the plain close to the hills ; his
orders to the prefects were to observe alertly what
went on in every quarter and to render assistance
wherever the situation should demand it.^

XXI. The Gauls, being quite confident that their
position could not be approached from the two
flanks, in order to block with arms the road on the
side which faces the south, sent about four thousand
armed men to hold a hill overlooking the road and
less than a mile from the camp, thinking that from
this, as from a redoubt, they would hinder the
approach. When the Romans perceived this they
prepared for battle. A moderate distance in front
of the standards marched the skirmishers ^ and
Cretan archers and slingers furnished by Attains and
the Trallianians and Thracians ; the standards of the
infantry, moving over difficult ground, proceeded
at a slow rate, the men holding their shields before
them so as only to ward off missiles, whilst they did
not seem disposed to fight at close quarters. The
discharge of missiles from a distance began the
fighting, which at first was even, the Gauls having
the advantage of position, the Romans of variety
and a plentiful supply of weapons ; as the battle
continued there was no longer any equality. Their
shields, long, but not wide enough for the size of
their bodies and, moreover, flat,^ offered poor pro-
tection to the Gauls. They had at this time no other

2 The velites were usually advance parties throAvn out by
the legions as a screen; in this case they seem to have been
independent units under their own commanders, but the
grammar of the sentence is not clear.

^ The Roman shield presented a convex surface to the enemy
and so deflected weapons more successfully.

71

LIVY

praeter gladios, quorum, cum manum ^ hostis non con-

6 sereret, nullus usus erat. Saxis nee modieis, ut quae
non praeparassent, sed quod cuique temere trepi-
dant! ad manum venisset, ut insueti, nee arte ^ nee

7 viribus adiuvantes ictum, utebantur. Sagittis glande
iaculis incauti ab ^ omni parte configebantur "* nee
quid agerent, ira et pavore occaecatis animis, cerne-
bant et erant deprensi genere pugnae in quod

8 minime apti sunt. Nam quemadmodum comminus,
ubi ^ in \dcem pati et inferre vulnera licet, accendit
ira animos eorum, ita ubi ex occulto et procul ie\-ibus
telis vulnerantur, nee quo ruant caeco impetu
habent,^ velut ferae transfixae in suos temere

9 incurrunt. Detegebat ^ vulnera eorum, quod nudi
pugnant, et sunt fusa et Candida corpora, ut quae
numquam nisi in pugna nudentur ; ita et plus san-
guinis ex multa carne fundebatur et foediores pate-
bant plagae et candor corporum magis sanguine atro

lu maculabatur.* Sed non tam patentibus plagis
moventur; interdum insecta cute, ubi latior quam
altior plaga est, etiam gloriosius se pugnare putant ;

1 1 iidem, cum aculeus sagittae aut ^ glandis abditae
introrsus tenui vulnere in speciem urit, et scrutantes
qua evellant ^^ telum non sequitur, turn in rabiem et

1 manum r : manu B. ^ nee arte ~ : om. B.

3 ab ed. Frobeniana 1535 : et ab B~.
* configebantur r : conficiebantur B.
^ ubi r : sub B. ^ habent r : om. B.

' detegebat r : detegebant B.
^ maculabatur r : maculatur B.
^ aut r : 0771. B.
^° qua evellant Perizonius : quae uellent B : quae uellant ~.

1 The Gauls were not devotees of the exercise in the open

air which tanned the Romans.
72

BOOK XXXVIII. XXI. 5-1 1

weapons than their swords, for which there was no b.c. 189
use, since the enemy did not meet them in hand-to-
hand conflict. Stones — but not of suitable size,
since they had made no preparations in advance,
but took each what happened to come to his hand
in his hasty search — they did use, but hke men un-
trained in their employment, with neither skill nor
strength to add eifectiveness to the blow. Arrows,
sling-bullets, darts, coming from all sides wounded
them unexpectedly, nor did they see what to do, as
their minds were blinded by rage and fear, and they
were involved in a kind of battle for which they were
very ill-adapted. For, as in hand-to-hand fighting,
where they can receive and inflict wounds in turn,
passion inflames their minds, so when they are struck
by light weapons, coming from unseen and distant
sources, and when they have no place at which they
can charge with blind violence, like wounded animals
they rush headlong upon their own friends. The fact
that they fight naked makes their wounds con-
spicuous and their bodies are fleshy and white, as is
natural, since they are never uncovered except in
battle ; ^ so that both more blood flowed from their
abundant flesh and the wounds stood out to view
more fearfully and the whiteness of their skins was
more stained by the black blood. But they are not
much disturbed by open wounds ; indeed, some-
times they cut away the skin, when the gash is
broad rather than deep, and think that thus they
gain greater glory in the fight ; the same men, when
the sting of an arrow or of a bullet that has buried
itself in the flesh torments them, having caused a
wound small to look at, and, as they search for a way
to extract the missile, it does not come out, turning

73

pudorem tarn pan'ae perimentis ^ versi pestis
prosternunt corpora humi, sic ^ turn passim pro-

12 cumbebant; alii ^ ruentes in hostem undique con-
fig'ebantur et, cum comminus venerant, gladiis a

13 velitibus trucidabantur. Hie miles tripedalem par-
mam habet et in dextera hastas quibus eminus
utitur ; gladio Hispaniensi est cinctus ; quodsi pede
collato pugnandum est.^ translatis in laevam hastis

U stringit gladium. Pauci iam supererant Gallorum,
qui, postquam ab le\*i armatura superatos se viderunt
et instare legionum signa, efFusa fuga castra repetunt
pavoris et tumultus iam plena, ut ubi feminae pue-

15 rique et alia imbellis turba permixta esset. Romanes
\-ictores deserti fuga hostium acceperunt tumuli.

XXII. Sub idem tempus L. Manlius ^ et C. HeMus,
cum, quoad viam colles obliqui dederunt, escendis-
sent, postquam ad invia ventum est, flexere iter in

2 partem montis, quae una habebat iter, et sequi
consulis agmen ^ modico uterque intervallo velut
ex composite coeperunt, quod primo optimum factu

3 fuisset, in id necessitate ipsa compulsi : subsidia enim

^ perimentis r : prementis B.

^ humi sic edd. vett. : humi sicut J/r.

^ procumbebant ; alii M. Mueller : procumbebant alii Br.

* est r : om. B.

^ 1. manlius r : om. B.

^ acrmen edd. vett. : agmen 1. manlius c. heluius Br.

^ It would be interesting to know the source of this highly
realistic and picturesque description of the manners of the
Gaids in battle. One thinks of the apparent relish with which
the source which Livy followed in XXXI. xxxiv. 4 described
the wounds suffered by Philip's cavalry in an engagement
with Roman cavalry, and wonders whether the same person
is responsible for the originals of the two passages.

2 According to XXVI. iv. 4 each man carried seven javelins.

74

BOOK XXXVIII. XXI. ii-xxii. 3

to madness and shame at being destroyed by so small b.c. 189
a thing, throw their bodies upon the ground. So in
this instance they lay prostrate here and there ; some,
rushing against the enemy, were wounded from
every side, and when they had come to close quarters
they were slain by the swords of the skirmishers.^
This type of soldier carries a three-foot shield and,
in his right hand, javelins ^ which he uses at long
range ; he is also equipped with a Spanish sabre ; ^
if he is compelled to fight hand to hand, he shifts his
javelins to his left hand and draws his sword. By
now there were few of the Gauls surviving, and they,
when they saw themselves defeated by the light
troops and that the legionary standards were drawing
near, in headlong flight sought their camp, which was
already full of panic and confusion, as the women
and children and the rest of the unarmed crowd were
gathered there. The victorious Romans took posses-
sion of the hills abandoned by the flight of the enemy.
XXII. About the same time Lucius Manlius and
Gains Helvius, when they had marched up as far as
the slopes of the hill admitted of progress, after they
had reached the impassable places changed their
direction towards that part of the mountain which
alone offered a road, and began to follow the consul's
column, each at a moderate distance as if by agree-
ment, being compelled by necessity itself to do what
would from the first have been the best thing to do ; *

3 If Livy speaks with technical accuracy, this was the
heavy weapon, adapted to cutting, carried by Roman cavalry ;
the infantry sword, which was short and adapted to both
cutting and thrusting, is called gladius Hispanus : cf. XXXI.
xxxiv. 4 and the note.

* The implied criticism is perhaps that of Polybius, whose
account of the battle has been lost.

75

LIVY

in talibus iniquitatibus locorum maximo saepe usui
fuerunt/ ut primis forte deturbatis secundi et tegant

4 pulsos et integri pugnam excipiant. Consul, post-
quam ad tumulos ab le\'i armatura captos prima signa
legioniun pervenerunt,^ respirare et conquiescere
paulisper militem iubet ; simul strata per tumulos

5 corpora Gallorum ostentat et, cum levis armatura
proelium tale ediderit, quid ab legionibus, quid ab
iustis armis, quid ab animis fortissimorum militum
expectarir Castra illis capienda esse, in quae

6 compulsus ab levi armatura hostis trepidet. Prae-
cedere tamen iubet levem armaturam, quae, cum
staret agmen, coUigendis per tumulos telis ut missilia
sufficerent, baud segne id ipsum tempus consump-

7 serat. lam castris appropinquabant ; et Galli, ne
parum se munimenta sua tegerent, armati pro vallo
constiterant. Obruti deinde omni genere telorum
cum, quo plures atque densiores erant, eo minus vani
quicquam intercideret teli,^ intra vallum momento
temporis compelluntur stationibus tantum firmis ad

8 ipsos aditus portarum relictis. In multitudinem
compulsam in castra vis ingens missilium telorum
coniciebatur, et vulnerari multos clamor permixtus
mulierum atque puerorum ploratibus significabat.

^ fuerunt ed. Froheniana 1535 : fuerant BMr.

2 peruenerunt r : uenerunt B.

3 teli r : om. B.

^6

BOOK XXXVIIl. XXII. 3-8

for reserves have often, on such unfavourable terrains, b.c. 189
been of the greatest service, that when the leading
troops have perhaps been thrown into disorder the
reserves may both shield the defeated and, being
themselves fresh, take up the fight. When the
leading standards of the legions came to the hills
which had been captured by the light troops, the
consul ordered the men to take breath and to
rest for a little while ; at the same time he called
their attention to the corpses of Gauls strewn over
the hills and asked them what, when light-armed
troops had worked such havoc in the fight, was to
be expected of the legions, what of regular weapons,
what of soldiers of the stoutest hearts ? Their
camp, he said, remained to be taken, into which the
enemy had been driven in confusion by the light
troops. Nevertheless, he ordered the light-armed
men to lead the advance, and they, while the column
was halted, had spent the time by no means idly, in
collecting the weapons over the hills, that the supply
of missiles might suffice. Now they were approaching
the camp, and the Gauls, lest their fortifications should
offer them too little shelter, had taken post under
arms in front of the rampart. Then they were
overwhelmed by missiles of every kind, and the more
numerous and the more crowded together they were,
the less did any weapon fall without effect, so that
in an instant they were driven back within the ram-
part, leaving only strong guards at the actual gates
of the fortifications. A vast quantity of missile
weapons was discharged at the throng which had
been driven inside the camp, and the shouts mingled
with the wails of women and children showed that
many were wounded. Against the troops who had

77

LIVY

9 In eos qui portas stationibus suis clauserant, legionum
antesignani pila coniecerunt. lis vero non vulnera-
bantur, sed transverberatis scutis plerique inter se
conserti haerebant ; nee diutius impetum Romanorum
sustinuerunt.

XXIII. Patentibus iam portis, priusquam irrum-
perent victores, fuga e castris Gallorum in onmes
partes facta est. Ruunt caeci per \'ias per in\ia ;
nulla praecipitia saxa, nullae rupes obstant ; ^ nihil

2 praeter hostem metuunt : itaque plerique prae-
cipites per vastam altitudinem prolapsi aut debilitati
exanimantur. Consul captis castris direptione prae-
daque abstinet militem; sequi pro se quemque et

3 instare et perculsis pavorem addere iubet. Super-
venit et alterum cum L. ManUo agmen ; nee eos
castra intrare sinit ; protinus ad persequendos hostes
mittit, et ipse paulo post tradita captivorum custodia
tribunis militum sequitur. debellatum ratus, si in illo

4 pavore quam plurimi caesi forent aut capti. Egresso
consule C. Helvius cum tertio agmine advenit, nee
continere suos ab direptione castrorum valuit,
praedaque eorum, iniquissima sorte, qui pugnae non
interfuerant, facta est.^ Equites diu ignari et

5 pugnae et \*ictoriae suorum steterunt ; deinde et
ipsi, quantum equis subire poterant, sparsos fuga
Gallos circa radices montis consectati cecidere aut

^ obstant r : om. B.
2 facta est r : om. B.

1 The Gauls stood with shields overlapping, and a spear
which struck near the edge might fasten two of them together.
Caesar {B. G. I. xxv. 3) describes more clearly a similar
occurrence.

BOOK XXXVIII. XXII. 9-xxiii. 5

blocked the gates at which they were posted, theB.c. 189
antesignani of the legions hurled their spears. The
men indeed were not injured by them, but their
shields in many cases were pierced and fastened
together,^ nor did they longer resist the attack of
the Romans.

XXIII. The gates being now open, before the
victors could break in, the Gauls began to flee from
the camp in all directions. They rushed blindly
along the roads and where there were no roads ; no
steep rocks, no cliffs, held them back; they feared
nothing but the enemy ; accordingly many were
killed, falling headlong or slipping in weariness over
tremendous precipices. The consul, having taken
the camp, kept his soldiers from spoil and pillage ;
he ordered them each to follow as best he could,
press the pursuit and increase the panic of the
fugitives. The second column, under Lucius Man-
lius, also came up ; he did not permit his men to
enter the camp, but sent them at once to pursue the
enemy, and he himself followed a little later, having
entrusted the guarding of the prisoners to the tribunes
of the soldiers, being convinced that the war was
over if the largest possible number was killed or
captured in that rout. When the consul had gone,
Gaius Helvius arrived wath the third column and
was unable to prevent his men from plundering the
camp, and the booty, by a most unjust decree of
fate, fell into the hands of men who had had no part
in the battle. The cavalry, knowing nothing for a
long time of either the battle or the victory of their
comrades, remained stationary ; later they too, with
all the speed of which their horses were capable, pur-
suing the Gauls as they scattered in flight around the

79

6 cepere. Numerus interfectorum haud facile iniri
potuit, quia late per omnes amfractus montium

7 fugaque et caedes fuit, et magna pars rupibus in\iis
in profundae altitudinis convalles ^ delapsa est, pars

8 in sihds vepribusque occisa. Claudius, qui bis pug-
natum in Olympo monte scribit. ad quadraginta
milia hominum auctor est caesa, ^ alerius Antias, qui
magis immodicus in numero augendo esse solet, non

9 plus decern milia. Numerus captivorum haud dubie
milia quadraginta - explevit, quia omnis generis
aetatisque turbam secum traxerant demigrantium

10 magis quam in bellum euntium modo. Consul armis
hostium in uno concrematis cumulo ceteram praedam
conferre omnes iussit, et aut vendidit, quod eius in
publicum redigendum erat, aut cum cura ut quam

11 aequissima esset per milites diWsit. Laudati quoque
pro contione omnes sunt, donatique pro merito quis-
que, ante omnes Attalus summo ceterorum assensu ;
nam singularis eius iuvenis cum virtus et industria
in omnibus laboribus periculisque tum modestia
etiam fuerat.

^ conualles r : ualles B. - quadraginta r : cm. B.

^ Manlius himself (xlvii. 6 below) says that he captiired
and killed more than ioviy thousand of the enemy, and
Orosius (IV. XX ; he credits the victory to the other consul
Fulvius) says that forty thousand were killed. Appian,
however [Syr. xlii), asserts that there were forty thousand
prisoners and that the slain could not be counted. Perhaps
the official report of Manlius was used by Claudius.

2 The vividness of the preceding narrative gives rise to a
question as to its sources. Valerius Antias and Claudius
are quoted, and in the preceding note I suggest that the
latter may have used the official report of Manlius. For
some reason or other the Galatian campaign attracted an
unusual amount of attention : Hannibal is said to have
8o

BOOK XXXVIII. XXIII. 5-1 1

base of the mountain, killed and captured them. The
number of casualties could not easily be calculated
because the flight and slaughter went on far and
wide over all the outlying parts of the mountains, and
a great number fell from the pathless cliffs into valleys
of enormous depth, and some were killed in the
forests and thickets. Claudius, who writes that
there were two battles on the Olympus mountain,
asserts that about forty thousand men were slain ; ^
Valerius Antias, who is usually more unrestrained
in exaggerating numbers, says that not more than
ten thousand fell. The number of prisoners without
doubt brought the total up to forty thousand, because
they had brought with them their whole population
of every class and age, like a people in migration
rather than setting out to war. The consul, having
burned all the weapons of the enemy in one pile,
ordered all his troops to bring in the rest of the booty
and either sold that part of the booty which it was
his duty to convert to public use or carefully dis-
tributed it to the soldiers so as to secure the greatest
possible measure of equity. Also before an assembly
he praised everyone according to his merits, and
Attalus before all, with the complete approval of
the rest ; for the young man had displayed not only
remarkable courage and diligence amid all the toils
and dangers, but also modesty of behaviour. ^

written an account of it (Nepos, Hann. xiii. 2), but there is no
trace of this. In the note to xv. 5 above I mentioned the
generally accepted assumption that Livy had access to a
diary of some participant in the campaign : Mommsen once
suggested [Rom. Forsch. II. 538 ff.) that he' was Polybius, but
this has not been taken seriously. Whether the sanguinophile
source of chap, xxi (see the note to xxi. 12 above) was one of
those already mentioned cannot be determined.

8l
VOL. XI. G

XXIV. Supererat bellum integrum cum Tecto-
sagis. Ad eos profectus consul tertiis castris An-
C}Tam, nobilem in illis locis urbem,^ pervenit, unde

2 hostes paulo plus decern milia aberant. Ubi cum
stativa essent, facinus memorabile a captiva factum
est. Orgiagontis reguli uxor forma eximia custo-
diebatur inter plures captivos ; ^ cui custodiae cen-

3 turio praeerat et libidinis et avaritiae militaris. Is
primo animum tempta\it ; quem cum abhorrentem
a voluntario ^■ideret stupro. corpori, quod servum

4 fortuna erat, ^im fecit. Deinde ad leniendam indig-
nitatem iniuriae spem reditus ad suos muUeri facit,
et ne cam quidem, ut amans, gratuitam. Certo auri
pondere pactus, ne quem suorum conscium haberet,
ipsi permittit ut quem vellet unum ex captivis

5 nuntium ad suos mitteret. Locum prope flumen
constituit, quo duo ne ^ plus necessarii * captivae
cum auro venirent nocte insequenti ad cam acci-

6 piendam. Forte ipsius mulieri«; servus inter cap-
tivos eiusdem custodiae erat. Hunc nuntium primis

7 tenebris extra stationes centurio educit. Nocte
insequenti et duo necessarii mulieris ad constitutum

8 locum et centurio cum captiva venit. Ubi cum
aurum ostenderent, quod summam talenti Attici

1 urbem r : in urbem B.

2 captiuos r : om. B.

^ quo duo ne ~ : om., spat, rel., B.
* necessarii r : necessia B.

^ This city (modem Angora) was important enough later
to have the ^e^ Gestae of Augustus {Monumentum Ancyranum)
set up there.

- Polybius and others give her name as Chiomara.

82

BOOK XXXVIII. XXIV. 1-8

XXIV. There remained an entirely new war with ]
the Tectosagi. Setting out against them the consul
came on the third day of marching to Ancyra, a
famous city in that region,^ from which the enemy
was a little more than ten miles distant. While they
were established in camp there, a memorable deed
was done by a captive woman. The wife ^ of the
chieftain Orgiago,^ a woman of surpassing beauty,
was held under guard among a large number of
prisoners ; the commander of the guard was a cen-
turion, characterized by both the lust and the greed
of the soldier. At first he tried her disposition ;
when he found it shrinking from voluntary fornica-
tion, he did violence to her body, which fortune had
made a slave. Then, to quiet her indignation at the
injury, he held out to the woman the hope of a return
to her own people, but not even that, as a lover
might have done, did he grant her for nothing.
Having stipulated for a definite quantity of gold, to
avoid taking one of his own men as an accomplice,
he allowed the woman herself to send as a messenger
to her people whomsoever of the prisoners she
should choose. He designated a spot near the river
to which not more than two of the kinsmen of the
captive were to come with the money the following
night to receive her. It happened that one of the
woman's own slaves was among the prisoners under
the same guard. This man, as messenger, the cen-
turion at nightfall conducted beyond the line of
sentinels. The following night both the two kinsmen
of the woman and the centurion with the prisoner
came to the appointed place. While they were dis-
playing the money, which was to amount to an Attic

^ Probably identical with Ortiago of xix. 2 above.

G 2

LIVY

— tanti enim pepigerat — expleret, mulier lingua sua
stringerent ferrum et centurionem pensantem aurum

9 occiderent impera\"it. lugulati praecisum caput ipsa
involutum veste ferens ad virum Orgiagontem, qui
ab Olympo domum refugerat, pervenit ; quem prius-
quam ^ complecteretur, caput centurionis ante pedes

1(1 eius abiecit, mirantique cuiusnam id caput hominis
aut quod id facinus haudquaquam mulieris esset, et
iniuriam corporis ^ et ultionem violatae per vim
pudicitiae confessa viro est aliaque, ut traditur, sanc-
titate et gravitate ^1tae huius matronalis facinoris
decus ad ultimuni conservavit.

XXV. Ancyram in stativa oratores Tectosagum
ad consulem venerunt petentes, ne ante ab Anc}Ta
castra moveret quam collocutus cum suis regibus
esset : nullas condiciones pacis iis non bello fore

2 potiores. Tempus ^ in posterum diem constituitur
locusque, qui medius maxime inter castra Gallorum

3 et Anc}Tam est visus. Quo cum consul ad tempus
cum praesidio quingentorum equitum venisset nee
ullo Gallorum ibi viso regressus in castra esset, ora-

4 tores idem redeunt, excusantes religione obiecta
venire reges non posse ; principes gentis, per quos

5 aeque res transigi posset, venturos. Consul se
quoque Attalum missurum dixit. Ad hoc collo-
quium utrimque ventum est. Trecentos equites

^ priusquam r : prius B.
2 et iniuriam corporis r : om. B. ^ tempus r : om. B.

^ Practically the same story is told by Polybius (XXII.
xxi), Plutarch {MuL Virt. 43), Valerius Maximus (VI. i. ext. 2)
and Florus (I. xxvii. 6). All probabh" came from the same
ultimate source (the diary mentioned above?), although
Plutarch quotes as from Polybius an item not now found in
Polvbius' oA^-n version.
84'

BOOK XXXVIII. XXIV. 8-xxv. 5

talent — for so great had been the sum agreed upon b.c. I89
— the woman in her own language ordered them to
draw sword and kill the centurion as he was weighing
the money. When they had slit his throat and cut
off his head, the woman herself ^vrapped it in her
garment and carried it on her return to her husband
Orgiago, who had escaped home from Olympus;
before she embraced him she dropped at his feet
the head of the centurion, and, when he wondered
whose head this was and what this act meant, so
unlike that of a woman, she confessed to her husband
the violence done to her person and the vengeance
exacted for her forcibly violated chastity, and, as
the story goes, by the purity and dignity of her life
in other respects maintained to the end the glory
won by a deed that marked her as a true matron. ^
XX\ . Ambassadors from the Tectosages came to
the consul at his base at Ancyra, requesting that he
should not move from Ancyra until he had conferred
with their chiefs : there were no terms of peace
which would not be preferable in their sight to war.
The time fixed was for the next day and the place
one which seemed approximately half-way between
the camp of the Gauls and Ancyra. When the
consul had come there at the designated time,
attended by a guard of five hundred cavalry, and had
returned to his camp \vithout having seen any Gaul
there, the same ambassadors returned, apologizing
that their chiefs could not come by reason of religious
objection; the leading men of the tribe, they said,
through whom the business could equally well be
transacted, would come. The consul said that he
too would send a representative, namely, Attalus.
Both parties attended this conference. When

85

LI\T

Attalus praesidii causa cum adduxisset, iactatae ^

6 sunt pacis - condiciones ; finis rei quia absentibus
ducibus imponi non poterat. convenit uti consul

7 regesque eo loco postero die congrederentur. Frus-
tratio Gallorum eo spectabat, primuni ut tererent
tempus, donee res suas quibus periclitari nolebant
cum coniugibus et liberis trans Halyn flumen trai-
cerent, deinde quod ipsi consuli, parum cauto adversus

8 colloquii ^ fraudem, insidiabantur. Mille ad cam
rem ex omni numero audaciae expertae delegerunt
equites : et successisset fraudi ni pro iure gentium,
cuius violandi consilium initum erat, stetisset for-

9 tuna. Pabulatores lignatoresque Romani in earn
partem in qua colloquium futurum erat ducti sunt,*
tutius id futurum tribunis ratis, quia consulis prae-
sidium et ipsum pro statione habituri erant hosti

10 oppositum ; suam tamen alteram stationem propius

11 castra sescentorum equitum posuerunt. Consul,
affirmante Attalo venturos reges et transigi rem
posse, profectus e castris, cum eodem quo ^ antea
praesidio equitum quinque milia fere processisset
nee multum a constituto loco abesset, repente con-
citatis equis cum impetu hostili videt Gallos venientes.

12 Constituit agmen, et ^ expedire tela animosque
equitibus iussis primo constanter initium pugnae

^ iactatae J. F. Gronovius : iactae Br : actae J/.

2 pacis r : om. B.

^ colloquii r : coiisilii B.

* ducti sunt r : otn. B.

° quo r : quod B. ® et r : 07n. B.

86

BOOK XXXVIII. XXV. 5-12

Attalus had brought up with him a bodyguard of
three hundred cavahy, terms of peace were discussed ;
since a conclusion to the matter could not be reached
in the absence of the principals, it was agreed that
the consul and the chiefs should meet in that place
the following day. The evasiveness of the Gauls
had this purpose : first, that they might waste time
until they could transport their property, which
they did not wish to jeopardize, together with their
wives and children, across the river Halys ; second,
that they were plotting against the consul himself,
who had not been sufficiently on guard against
treachery at the conference. For this purpose they
chose from their entire number a thousand cavalry
of tried boldness ; and success would have attended
their treachery had not fortune stood on the side of
the law of nations which they had planned to violate.
The Roman foragers and wood-gatherers were led in
the direction in which the conference was to be held,
the tribunes thinking that this would be safer, since
they would have between them and the enemy the
consul's bodyguard, placed as a sort of outpost for
them ; nevertheless, they posted another outguard
of their own, consisting of six hundred cavalry, nearer
the camp. The consul, on the assurance of Attalus
that the chiefs would come and that the business
could be settled, set out from camp with the same
guard of cavalry as before, and, when he had gone
about five miles and was not far from the appointed
place, suddenly he saw the Gauls coming, their
horses at full gallop, and with the air of enemies.
He halted his column, and, ordering the troopers to
prepare arms and, minds for the combat, at first he
stoutly received the onset of the attack and did not

87

excepit ••■ nee cessit ; deiri; cum praegravaret multi-
tudo, cedere sensim nihil confusis turmarum ordinibus

13 coepit ; postremo. cum iam plus in mora periculi
quam in ordinibus conservandis - praesidii esset,
omnes passim in fugam efFusi sunt. Tum vero
instare dissipatis Galli ^ et caedere ; magnaque pars
oppressa foret ni static pabulatorum, sescenti equites,

14 occurrissent. li procul clamore pa\-ido suorum
audito cum tela equosque expedissent, integri pro-

15 fligatam pugnam acceperunt. Itaque versa ex-
templo fortuna est, versus a \dctis in ^-ictores terror.
Et primo impetu fusi Galli sunt, et ex agris concurre-
bant pabulatores, et undique obvius hostis Gallis
erat, ut ne fugam quidem tutam aut facilem haberent,
quia recentibus equis Romani fessos sequebantur.

16 Pauci ergo efFugerunt ; captus est nemo; maior
multo pars per fidem violati colloquii ^ poenas morte
luerunt. Romani ardentibus ira '^ animis postero die
omnibus copiis ad hostem perveniunt.

XX\'I. Biduum natura montis per se ipsum ex-
ploranda ne quid ignoti esset absumpsit ^ consul ;
tertio die, cum auspicio operam dedisset, deinde
immolasset, in quattuor partes di\isas copias educit,

2 duas, ut medio monte duceret, duas ab lateribus, ut

3 adversus cornua Gallorum erigeret. Hostium quod
roboris erat, Tectosagi et Trocmi, mediam tenebant

^ excepit Perizonius : cepit B : accepit r.

~ conseruandis r : om. B.

3 Galli r : om. B.

^ colloquii r : eloquii B.

^ ira ed. Froheniana 1535 : om. Bg-.

^ absumpsit r : assumpsit B.

a. xix. 1 above.

88

BOOK XXXVIII. XXV. I2-XXVI. 3

give way ; then, when the weight of numbers was
bearing him down, he began to retire gradually,
preserving the formation of his troops ; finally, when
there was now more danger in delay than protection
in maintaining the formation, all scattered in random
flight. Then indeed the Gauls began to pursue and
kill the scattered cavalry ; and a great part of them
would have been destroyed had not the outpost of
the foragers, the six hundred cavalry, come up to
them. When they had heard from afar the terrified
shouts of their comrades and had made ready their
weapons and horses, they came upon the rout with
their force still fresh. So straightway fortune
changed and the panic changed sides, from the
vanquished to the victors. And at the first attack
the Gauls were routed and the foragers flocked in
from the fields and foes faced the Gauls from every
side, so that they did not find even flight either easy
or safe, since the Romans with fresh horses were
pursuing the weary. And so few then escaped;
no one was taken prisoner ; by far the greatest part
paid with their lives the penalty for breaking the
faith of a conference. The Romans, their hearts
on fire with ^vrath, advanced the next day with their
whole strength against the enemy.

XXVI. The consul spent two days in exploring
for himself the character of the mountain,^ that
nothing might be unfamiliar to him; on the third
day, after giving his attention to the auspices and
then offering sacrifice, he divided his army into four
columns and led them out, planning to lead two up
the central part of the mountain and to send two
from the sides to oppose the flanks of the Gauls.
The Tectosagi and the Trocmi, who constituted the

89

LI\T

aciem, milia hominum quinquaginta ; equitatum,
quia equorum nullus erat inter inaequales ^ rupes
usus, ad pedes deductum. decern milia hominum, ab
4- dextro locaverunt cornu : Ariarathi'i Cappadoces et
Morzi auxiliares in laevo quattuor ferme milium
numerum explebant. Consul, sicut in Olympo
monte, prima in acie locata levi armatura, telorum
omnis generis ut aeque magna vis ad manum esset,

5 cura\'it. Ubi appropinquarunt,- omnia eadem utrim-
que quae fuerant in priore proelio erant praeter
animos et victoribus ab re secunda auctos et hostibus

6 fractos,^ quia, et'-i non ipsi \-icti erant, suae gentis
hominum cladem pro sua ducebant. Itaque a
paribus initiis coepta res eundem exitum habuit.

7 Velut nubes levium telorum Cdniecta obruit aciem
Gallorum. Nee aut procurrere quisquam ab ordini-
bus suis, ne nudarent ^ undique corpus ad ictus,
audebant, et stantes quo densiores erant hoc plura,
velut destinatum petentibus, vulnera accipiebant.

8 Consul iam per se turbatis si legionum signa osten-
disset, versuros extemplo in fugam omnes ratus
receptis inter ordines velitibus et alia turba auxi-
liorum aciem promo\-it.

XX\'II. Galli et memoria Tolostobogiorum cladis
territi et inhaerentia corporibus gerentes tela fessique

1 inaequales r : aequales B.

2 appropinquarunt r : appro {sic, in fine paginae) B.

3 fractos r : orn. B.

* nudarent r : nudaret B.

^ A Paphlagonian prince.

90

BOOK XXXVIII. XXVI. 3-xxvii. i

strength of the enemy, held the centre of their Una n.c. 189
with fifty thousand men; the cavahy, being dis-
mounted since there was no use for horses on the
rough cHffs, and numbering ten thousand men, they
placed on their right flank; the Cappadocians of
Ariarathes and the auxiliaries of Morzius ^ on the
left flank amounted to about four thousand men.
The consul, as at the Olympus mountain, placed the
light-armed troops in the van and made provision
that there might be at hand an equally large supply
of every kind of weapon. When they approached,
everything was the same on both sides as in the
former battle except courage, which was increased
in the victors by reason of their success and dimin-
ished in the enemy because, while they themselves
had not been conquered, they considered as their
own the disaster suffered by men of their own race.
And so from like beginnings the affair had the same
end. The discharge of a veritable cloud of light
missiles overwhelmed the line of the Gauls. No
one dared to rush forward from their ranks lest he
expose his body to wounds from all sides, and,
standing fast, the more closely they were crowded
together the more wounds they received, the
attackers aiming, so to speak, at a target. The
consul, thinking that if he disclosed the standards of
the legions to an enemy already disorganized on
its own account they would all at once turn to flight,
received within his ranks the skirmishers and the
rest of the throng of auxiliaries and moved forward
his battle-line.

XXVII. The Gauls, terrified as they were by the
recollection of the defeat of the Tolostobogii, carrying
weapons fixed in their bodies and wearied both by

91

et stando et ^ vulneribus ne primum quidem impetum

2 et clamorem Romanorum tulerunt. Fuga ad castra
inclinavit ; sed pauci intra munimenta sese recepere ;
pars maior dextra laevaque praelati qua quemque

3 impetus tulit fugerunt.^ Victores usque ad castra
secuti ceciderunt terga : deinde in castris ^ cupiditate

4 praedae haeserunt, nee sequebatur quisquam. In
cornibus Galli diutius steterunt quia serius ad eos
perventum est ; ceterum ne primum quidem *

5 coniectum telorum tulerunt. Consul, quia ingressos
in castra ab direptione dbstrahere non poterat, eos
qui in cornibus fuerant protinus ad sequendos hostes

6 misit. Per aliquantum spatium secuti non plus
tamen octo milia hominum in fuga — nam pugna
nulla fuit — ceciderunt : reliqui flumen Halyn

7 traiecerunt. Romanorum pars magna ea nocte in
castris hostium mansit ; ceteros in sua castra consul
reduxit. Postero die captivos praedamque recensuit,
quae tanta fuit quantam '^ avidissima rapiendi gens,
cum cis montem Taurum omnia armis per multos

8 annos tenuisset, coacer\-are potuit. Galli ex dissi-
pata passim fuga in unum locum congregati, magna
pars saucii aut ^ inermes, nudati omnibus rebus,

9 oratores de pace ad consulem miserunt. Eos
Manlius Ephesum venire iussit ; ipse — iam enim
medium autumni erat — locis gelidis propinquitate
Tauri montis excedere properans \-ictorem exercitum
in hiberna maritimae orae reduxit.

1 et r : orn. B. - fugenint ~ : fuerunt B.

3 in castris r : castris B. * quidem r : om. B.

^ quantam ed. Frobeniana 1531 : quanta Bt.
® saucii aut ed. Frobeniana 1535 : saucia ut Br.

1 It is improbable that the Taurus mountain could have
much effect on the climate of Galatia.
92

BOOK XXXVIII. XXVII. 1-9

standing and by wounds, did not endure even the b.c. 189
first assault and shout of the Romans. Their flight
was directed towards their camp, but few found their
way within the ramparts ; the majority was carried
past to right and left and fled wherever the course of
each led. The victors, cutting them down from
behind, followed as far as the camp ; then they
remained in the camp in their greed for plunder,
nor did anyone pursue. On the flanks the Gauls
stood firm longer because the attack was slower to
reach them ; but they did not endure even the first
volley of weapons. Since the consul was unable to
tear away from their plundering the troops who had
entered the camp, he at once sent those who had been
on the flanks to pursue the enemy. Although they
followed for a considerable distance, they did not
kill more than eight thousand men in the flight, for
there was no battle ; the rest crossed the river Halys.
A large part of the Romans stayed that night in the
camp of the enemy ; the consul led the rest back to
their own camp. The next day he surveyed the
prisoners and booty, which was as great as a people
most greedy for plunder could amass after holding
under armed control for many years everything on
this side of the Taurus mountain. The Gauls,
assembling in one place after their scattered and
disorderly flight, most of them being wounded or
unarmed, stripped of everything, sent ambassadors
to the consul concerning peace. Manlius ordered
them to come to Ephesus ; he himself — for it was
now mid-autumn — was in haste to get away from the
cold regions in the neighbourhood of the Taurus
mountain ^ and led the victorious army back into
winter quarters on the sea coast.

93

XXVIII. Dum haec in Asia geruntur, in ceteris
provinciis tranquillae res fuerunt. Censores Romae
T. Quinctius Flamininus et M. Claudius Marcellus

2 senatum legerunt ; ^ princeps in senatu tertium lectus
P. Scipio Africanus ; quattuor soli "^ praeteriti sunt,
nemo curuli usus honore. Et in ^ equitatu recensen-

3 do mitis adniodum censura fuit. Substructionem
super Aequimelium in Capitolio et viam silice
sternendam a porta Capena ad Martis locaverunt.

4 Campani ubi censerentur senatum consuluerunt ;
decretum uti Romae censerentur. Aquae ingentes
eo anno fuerunt ; Tiberis duodeciens campum
Martium planaque urbis inundavit.

5 Ab Cn. Manlio consule bello in Asia cum Gallis
perfecto, alter consul M. Fulvius perdomitis Aetolis
cum traiecisset in Cephallaniam, circa ci\'itates
insulae misit percontatum utrum se dedere Romanis

6 an belli fortunam experiri mallent. Metus ad omnes
valuit, ne deditionem recusarent. Obsides inde

^ legerunt Modius : perlegerunt Br : elegerunt M.
2 soli r : soils B. ^ et in r : et B.

^ Livy now enumerates briefly events in Rome during the
period occupied by the Aetolian and Galatian campaigns.
The narrative thus supplements that of XXXM!I. lii-lviii
inch

2 Cf. XXXIV. xliv. 4 and the note. Scipio had received
this distinction in 199 B.C. (when he had been one of the
censors) and in 194 B.C.

3 The censors performed the function of revismg the list
of equites and removing from the list such individuals as the
facts as they found them warranted.

* Neither the meaning of the word nor the situation of the
place is quite certain, ahhough if it was near the vicus Iiigarius

94

BOOK XXXVIII. XXVIII. 1-6

XXVIII. While this was going on in Asia things b.c. 189
were quiet in the other provinces. At Rome ^ the
censors Titus Quinctius Flamininus and Marcus
Claudius Marcellus chose the senate ; as princeps
se?iatus ^ Publius Scipio Africanus was chosen for the
third time ; only four senators were passed over,
none of whom had held curule office. In the review
of the equites ^ also the censorship was quite lenient.
Contracts were let for the building of a substructure
above the Aequimelium * on the Capitoline and for
the paving with flint of the road from the Porta
Capena to the temple of Mars.^ The Campanians
asked the senate for a decision as to where they
should be listed by the censors ; it was decreed that
they should be listed in Rome.^ There were great
floods that year ; the Tiber on twelve occasions
overflowed the Campus Martius and the level districts
of the city. "-"^

The war with the Gauls in Asia having been finished
by the consul Gnaeus Manlius, the other consul,
Marcus Fulvius, after conquering the Aetolians,
crossed to Cephallania '^ and sent agents around the
island to inquire of the cities whether they preferred
to surrender themselves to the Romans or to try the
fortune of war. Fear prevailed upon all of them not
to refuse submission. Hostages were then requisi-

the work may have been necessitated by the landslide of
192 B.C. (XXXV. xxi. 6).

^ This temple lay between a mile and two miles outside
the Porta Capena on the Via Appia.

^ These were probably Campanians who had been driven
from their homes during the Second Punic War and had
settled in other parts of Italy. They were not, however,
citizens of the towns in which they resided, and the censors
could not take cognizance of them there.

' Cf. ix. 10 above and the note.

95

imperatos pro \'iribiis inopes populi. . . .^ vicenos
autem Cranii ^ et Palenses et Samaei dederunt.^

7 Insperata pax Cephallaniae adfulserat, cum repente
una civitas, incertum quam ob causam, Samaei

8 desciverunt. Quia opportuno loco urbs posita esset,
timuisse se aiebant ne demigrare cogerentur ab
Romanis. Ceterum ipsine sibi eum finxerint metum
et timore vano quietum excitaverint •* malum, an
iactata ^ sermonibus res apud Romanos perlata ad

9 eos sit, nihil comperti est, nisi quod datis iam. ob-
sidibus repente portas clauserunt et ne suorum
quidem precibus — miserat enim sub muros consul
ad temptandam misericordiam parentium populari-

10 umque — desistere ab incepto voluerunt.® Oppugnari
deinde, postquam nihil pacati respondebatur, coepta
urbs est. Apparatum omnem tormentorum machina-
rumque travectum ab Ambraciae oppugnatione habe-

1 1 bat, et opera quae facienda erant impigre milites per-
fecerunt. Duobus igitur locis admoti arietes quatie-
bant muros.

XXIX. Nee ab Samaeis quicquam quo aut opera

aut hostis arceri posset ^ praetermissum est. Duabus

2 tamen maxime resistebant rebus, una,^ interiorem

1 probahihm emendaiionem huiiis loci mendosi, muliis
frusira ternptatis, non invenerunt viri dodi.
- Cranii Sigonius : grannoni B~.
^ dederunt r : om. B.

* excitaverint edd. veft. : excitauerunt B~.
^ iactata r : iactatos B.
® uoluerunt r : om. B.
'' posset r : possit B.
8 una r : unam B.

1 The text is hopelessly corrupt, and I have not indicated
the lacuna in the translation. It is uncertain whether pro
virihus goes with imperatos, with inopes, as I have translated

96

BOOK XXXVIII. XXVIII. 6-xxix. 2

tioned and supplied by the cities, poor in proportion b.c. 189
to their strength, twenty each by the Cranians, the
Palensians and the Sameans.^ The radiance of
unexpected peace had shone upon Cephallania when
suddenly one city, the Sanieans, it is uncertain for
what reason, revolted. Because the city enjoyed a
strategic position, they said that they were afraid
that they would be compelled by the Romans to
move away. But whether they had invented this
alarm for themselves and in baseless terror had roused
a sleeping evil, or the subject had been discussed by
the Romans and reported to them, nothing has been
ascertained, except that when they had already given
hostages they suddenly closed their gates and not
even in response to the prayers of their own people —
for the consul had sent some of them to the foot of
the walls to stir up pity for their parents and fellow-
countrymen — were they willing to abandon their
undertaking. Then, when their replies showed no
pacific intent, the siege of the city began. He had
all the equipment of artillery and siege-engines
transferred from the siege of Ambracia, and what
works had to be constructed the soldiers zealously
undertook. Accordingly, the battering-rams were
moved up in two places and the walls attacked.

XXIX. Nor was any measure overlooked by the
Sameans by which either the works or the enemy
could be interfered with. Nevertheless, their resist-
ance depended mainly upon two things ; first, the

it, or with something omitted. Moreover, the fourth city
on the island (Thuc. II. xxx. 2; Plin. N.H. IV. 54) is not
mentioned. Finally, the number of hostages is very large
(cf . xi. 6 above), which ill accords with inopes, unless the inter-
pretation here given of pro viribus inopes is accepted.

97

VOL. XI. II

LIVY

semper iuxta validum pro diruto novum obstruentes
murum, altera, eruptionibus subitis nunc in opera
hostium nunc in stationes ; et plerumque his proeliis

3 superiores erant. Una ad coercendos inventa, baud
magna memoratu, res est. Centum funditores ab

4 Aegio et Patris et Dymis acciti. A pueris ii more
quodam ^ gentis saxis globosis, quibus ferme harenae
immixtis strata litora sunt, funda mare apertum

5 incessentes exercebantur. Itaque longius ^ certi-
usque et validiore ictu quam Baliaris funditor eo telo

6 usi sunt. Et est non simplicis habenae, ut Baliarica
aliarumque gentium funda, sed triplex scutale, crebris ^
suturis duratum, ne fluxa habena volutetur in iactu
glans, sed librata cum sederit, velut nervo missa

7 excutiatur. Coronas modici circuli magno ex inter-
vallo loci adsueti traicere non capita solum hostium
vulnerabant, sed quem locum destinassent oris.

8 Hae fundae Samaeos cohibuerunt, ne tam crebro
neve * tam audacter erumperent, adeo ut precarentur
ex muris Achaeos ut ° parumper abscederent et se
cum Romanis stationibus pugnantes quiete spectarent.

9 Quattuor menses obsidionem Same sustinuit.
Cum ex paucis cotidie aliqui eorum caderent aut
vulnerarentur, et qui supererant fessi et corporibus

^ quodam r : quondam B.

- longius B (ex corr.) r : longiore B.

^ scutale crebris ~ : scuta lecebris B.

■* neue ~ : nee B.

'" ut r : om. B.

^ The corresponding passage in Polybius is lost, and the
source of this description is uncertain. A somewhat similar
account is found in XLII. Ixv. 10, but it does not seem from
either that Livj- entirely understood what he was describing.

BOOK XXXVIII. XXIX. 2-9

continuous construction of a strong new wall on the
inside, adjoining the wall that was destroyed ; second,
their sudden sallies, now against the enemy's siege-
works, now against his outguards ; and generally in
these battles they had the advantage. One device
was found to hold them in check, though trivial to
mention. A hundred slingers were recruited from
Aegium and Patrae and Dymae. These peoples were
trained from boyhood, in accordance with a tradition
of the race, in hurling with a sling at the open sea
the round stones which, mingled with the sand,
generally strew the coasts. In consequence they use
this weapon at longer range, with greater accuracy
and with more powerful effect than the Balearic
slinger. Moreover, the sling is not composed of a
single strap, like those of the Baleares and other
peoples, but the bullet-carrier is triple, strengthened
with numerous seams, that the missile may not fly
out at random, from the pliancy of the strap at the
moment of discharge, but, seated firmly w^hile being
whirled, may be shot out as if from a bow-string.^
Having been trained to shoot through rings of moder-
ate circumference from long distances, they would
wound not merely the heads of their enemies but any
part of the face at which they might have aimed.
These slings prevented the Sameans from making
sallies so frequently or so boldly, to such an
extent that from the walls they begged the
Achaeans ^ to withdraw for a while and in quiet to
watch them fighting with the Roman outguards.
For four months Same underwent the siege. Since
every day some of their small number were killed
or wounded and those who remained were wearied

2 i.e. the slingers.

99
h2

10 et animis essent, Romani nocte per arcem quam
Cyneatidem vocant — nam urbs in mare devexa in
occidentem vergit — muro superato in forum pervene-

11 runt. Samaei postquam captam partem urbis ab
hostibus senserunt, cum coniugibus ac liberis in
maiorem refugerunt arcem. Inde postero die dediti
direpta urbe sub corona omnes venierunt.

XXX. Consul compositis rebus Cephallaniae, prae-
sidio Samae imposito, in Peloponnesum. iam diu
accersentibus Aegiensibus maxime ac Lacedae-

2 moniis traiecit. Aegium a principio Achaici concilii
semper conventus gentis indicti sunt, seu dignitati

3 urbis id seu loci opportunitati ^ datum est. Hunc
morem Philopoemen eo primum anno labefactare
conatus legem parabat ferre, ut in omnibus ci\-itati-
bus quae Achaici concilii essent in \icem conventus

4: agerentur. Et sub adventum consulis damiurgis
civitatium, qui summus est magistratus, Aegium
evocantibus Philopoemen — praetor tum erat — Argos

5 conventum edixit. Quo cum appareret omnes ferme
conventuros. consul quoque, quamquam Aegiensium
favebat causae, Argos venit ; ubi cum disceptatio
fuisset. et rem inclinatam cerneret, incepto destitit.

6 Lacedaemonii deinde eum in sua certamina averte-

^ opportunitati ~ : opportunitate B.

1 Cf. XXXII. xxii. 2 and the note.

2 His fifth term in this office began in the autumn of
189 B.C. Livy habitually uses the Latin word praetor for
the chief magistrate of foreign states : cf. XXXI. xxiv. 6
and the note.

lOO

BOOK XXXVIII. XXIX. 9-xxx. 6

in both body and mind, the Romans at night, by way b.o. isa
of the citadel which they call Cyneatis — for the city
slopes towards the sea and faces west — crossed the
wall and entered the market-place. When the
Sameans realized that part of the city had been
captured by the enemy, they took refuge with their
wives and children in the larger citadel. Then the
next day the city was plundered and all who had
surrendered were sold as slaves.

XXX. The consul, having arranged matters in
Cephallania and stationed a garrison at Same, crossed
to the Peloponnesus, whither the Aegians especially
and the Lacedaemonians had long been summoning
him. From the beginning of the Achaean League
the meetings of the assembly had all been called for
Aegium, whether this was a tribute to the importance
of the city or the convenience of the place. This
custom Philopoemen, in this year for the first time,
was trying to break down, and was preparing to
propose a law that the meetings should be held in all
the cities which belonged to the Achaean League in
rotation. And at the approach of the consul, when
the damiurgi of the cities (they are the chief magis-
trates) 1 called the meeting at Aegium, Philopoemen
— he was then praetor ^ — summoned it at Argos.
When it was clear that almost all would assemble
there, the consul, although he favoured the cause of
the Aegians, also went to Argos ; when the argument
had begun there and he saw that the Aegian case
was weaker, he gave up his purpose.^ Then the Lace-
daemonians diverted his attention to their own

^ Fulvius had evidently intended to oppose the proposal
of Philopoemen at the meeting.

lOI

LIVY

runt. SoUicitam earn civitatem exules maxime habe-
bant, quorum magna pars in maritimis Laconicae
orae castellis, quae oranis adempta erat,^ habitabant.

7 Id aegre patientes Lacedaemonii, ut aliqua liberum
ad mare haberent aditum, si quando Romam aliove
quo mitterent legatos, simul ut emporium et re-
ceptaculum peregrinis mercibus ad necessarios usus
esset, nocte adorti vicum maritimum nomine Lan ^

8 improxiso occupaverunt. Vicani quique ibi exules
habitabant primo inopinata re territi sunt ; deinde
sub lucem congregati levi certamine expulerunt

9 Lacedaemonios.^ Terror tamen omnem maritimam
Oram per^asit. legatosque communiter et castella
omnia \-icique et exules, quibus ibi domicilia erant, ad
Achaeos miserunt.

XXXI. Philopoemen praetor, iam inde ab initio
exulum causae amicus,^ et auctor semper Achaeis
minuendi opes et auctoritatem Lacedaemoniorum,
2 concilium querentibus dedit, decretumque referente,
eo factum est, cum in ^ fidem Achaeorum tutelamque
T. Quinctius et Romani Laconicae orae castella

^ adempta erat ed. Frobeniana 1535 : ademptae erant B :
adepti erant r.

' Lan ed. Frobeniana 1535 : lamin Br.

^ lacedaemonios r : om. B.

* amicus ed. Frobeniana 1535 : et amicus B~.

5 cum in r : ut in B.

^ In 195 B.C. Flamininus had concluded a treaty with
Nabis, tyrant of Lacedaeraon, in which it was provided,
among other thincfs. that Xabis should surrender his holdings
on the coast (XXXIV. xxxv-xxxvi) ; the Achaean League
had assumed, without explicit authority, so far as the evidence
shows, the enforcement of this provision when, in 192 B.C.,
Xabis had undertaken to obtain an outlet to the sea (XXXV.
xxv-xxx). After the assassination of Xabis by the Aetolians

102

BOOK XXXVIII. XXX. 6-xxxi. 2

quarrels.^ The state was kept in anxiety especially b.c. 189
by the exiles, a great part of whom lived in the
fortresses along the Laconian sea coast, all of which
had been taken away from Sparta. The Lacedae-
monians, angered at this, in order that somehow they
might possess free access to the sea, if ever they sent
ambassadors to Rome or elsewhere, and at the same
time that they might have a market and a place for
the storage of foreign merchandise for necessary
purposes, made an miexpected night attack on the
coast town of Las and captured it. The townspeople
and the exiles who lived there were at first terrified
by this unlooked-for event ; then, assembling at
daybreak, with a slight effort they expelled the
Lacedaemonians. Nevertheless, the panic spread to
the whole sea coast, and all the forts and villages and
the exiles whose residences were there sent a joint
embassy to the Achaeans.

XXXI. The praetor Philopoemen, who had from
the very beginning championed the cause of the
exiles and had always urged the Achaeans to diminish
the power and influence of the Lacedaemonians, gave
the complainants an audience before the council, and
on his motion a decree was passed that, whereas Titus
Quinctius and the Romans had put the fortresses and
villages of the Laconian coast under the protection
and guardianship of the Achaeans, and whereas,

in the same year, Philopoemen had taken Laeedaemon into
the Achaean League (XXXV. xxxvii. 2), where its status was
somewhat uncertain. Philopoemen's own policy was definitely
anti-Laconian, and the unsettled question of the banished
Spartan aristocrats was a continual problem (XXXVI. xxxv.
7). Livy now recounts the history of Achaean-Spartan
relations from this time to the holding of the council at which
Fulvius was present.

103

LIVY

et vicos tradidissent et, cum abstinere iis ex foedere
Lacedaemonii deberent. Las ^ \'icus oppucrnatus esset,
caedesque ibi facta, qui eius rei auctores adfinesque
essent, nisi dederentur Achaeis, violatum videri

3 foedus. x\d exposcendos eos legati extemplo Lace-
daemonem missi sunt. Id iniperium adeo superbum
et indignum Lacedaemoniis visum est ^ ut, si antiqua
ci\-itatis fortuna esset, baud dubie arma extemplo

4 capturi fuerint. Maxime autem consternavit eos
metus, si semel primis imperiis oboediendo iugum
accepissent,^ ne, id quod iam diu moliretur Philo-

5 poemen, exulibus Lacedaemonem traderet. Furentes
igitur ira triginta hominibus ex factione, cum qua
consiliorum aliqua societas Philopoemeni atque
exulibus erat, interfectis decreverunt renuntiandam
societatem Achaeis legatosque extemplo Cephal-
laniam mittendos, qui consuli M. Fulvio quique
Romanis Lacedaemonem dederent orarentque eum,

6 ut veniret in Peloponnesum ad urbem Lacedaemonem
in fidem dicionemque populi Romani accipiendam.

XXXIL Id ubi legati ad Achaeos rettulerunt,

omnium civitatium quae eius concilii erant consensu

bellum Lacedaemoniis indictum est. Ne extemplo

2 gereretur hiems impediit ; incursionibus tamen

par\-is, latrocinii magis quam belli modo, non terra

^ Las ed. Frobeniana 1535 : lace B~.

2 est ": om. B.

^ accepissent ~ : accepisset B.

^ The motion as quoted by 'Lixj has the verbal charac-
teristics of the actual decree. The treaty referred to was
•with the Romans, not the Achaeans, and the moral and legal
right of the latter to enforce it is not unquestioned.

2 This must be the winter of 189-188 B.C. The details of

104

BOOK XXXVIII. XXXI. 2-xxxii. 2

although under the treaty the Lacedaemonians were
under obhgations to let them alone, the village of Las
had been attacked and men had been killed there,
therefore, unless those who had been principals in and
accessories to this act should be surrendered to the
Achaeans, the treaty should be deemed to have been
violated.^ Messengers were at once sent to Lacedae-
mon to demand them. This demand seemed to the
Lacedaemonians so insolent and unmerited that if
the ancient fortune of the state had continued they
would without doubt have immediately taken up
arms. The principal cause of the terror which struck
them was that, if they once accepted the yoke by
obedience to these fost commands, Philopoemen
would turn Lacedaemon over to the exiles, as he had
long been planning. Mad with wrath, then, they
killed thirty men of the faction with which Philopoe-
men and the exiles had shared any other plans, and
decreed that the alliance with the Achaeans should
be broken off and that ambassadors should at once be
sent to Cephallania to surrender Lacedaemon to the
consul Marcus Fulvius and the Romans and to implore
him to come to the Peloponnesus to receive the city
of Lacedaemon under the good faith and protection
of the Roman people.

XXXII. When the ambassadors reported this to
the Achaeans, with the approval of all the cities
which were represented at that council, war was
declared upon the Lacedaemonians. Winter ^ pre-
vented the immediate prosecution of the war ;
nevertheless, their territories were devastated by
small raids, more like brigandage than war, not

the chronology are obscure, but the siege of Same must have
lasted well into the autumn.

c. tantum sed etiam navibus a mari fines eorum vastati.

^ 3 Hie tumultus consulem Peloponnesum adduxit,

iussuque eius Elin concilio indieto Lacedaemonii ad

4 disceptandum acciti. Magna ibi non disceptatio
modo sed altercatio fuit, cui consul, cum alia satis
ambitiose partem utramque fovendo incerta re-
spondisset, una denuntiatione ut bello abstinerent,
donee Romam ad senatum legates misissent,^ finem

5 imposuit. Utrimque legatio missa Romam est.
Exules quoque Lacedaemoniorum suam causam

6 legationemque Achaeis iniunxerunt. Diophanes et
Lycortas, Megalopolitani ambo, principes legationis
Achaeorum fuerunt qui, dissidentes in re publica,
tum quoque minime inter se convenientes orationes

7 habuerunt. Diophanes senatui disceptationem om-
nium rerum permittebat : eos optime controversias
inter Achaeos ac Lacedaemonios finituros esse ;

8 Lycortas ex praeceptis Philopoemenis postulabat ut
Achaeis ex foedere ac legibus suis quae decressent
agere liceret, libertatemque sibi illibatam, cuius ipsi

9 auctores essent, praestarent. Magnae auctoritatis
apud Romanos tum gens Achaeorum erat; novari
tamen nihil de Lacedaemoniis placebat. Ceterum
responsum ita perplexum fuit ut et Achaei sibi de

10 Lacedaemone permissum acciperent, et Lacedae-

^ misissent T: om. B.

1 The senate probablj'^ intended that the Lacedaemonians
should remain members of the Achaean League and that
their surrender to Fulvius should be ignored. It seems a
fair inference that the Achaeans were not to interfere, as
Philopoemen proposed to do, in local Spartan affairs. But
Roman fondness for sententiousness in legislation made this
decree unpardonably vague, considering the gravity of the
situation, and one is tempted to conclude that the senate did
not really grasp the arguments and was not greatly interested.
io6

BOOK XXXVIII. XXXII. 2-IO

only on land but also by ships from the sea. This
disturbance brought the consul to the Peloponnesus ;
and by his order a council was called at Elis and the
Lacedaemonians summoned to take part in the
debate. Not only a lively debate took place there
but also a violent quarrel, to which the consul,
although in other respects, favouring both sides in a
spirit of conciliation, he had given ambiguous replies,
put an end by the one peremptory demand that they
should refrain from war until they had sent ambassa-
dors to the senate in Rome. Both sides sent em-
bassies to Rome. The Lacedaemonian exiles also
entrusted their case and their representation to the
Achaeans. Diophanes and Lycortas, both from
Megalopolis, were chiefs of the Achaean delegation,
and they, opposed as they were to one another
on public questions generally, at this time also
delivered speeches quite inconsistent with one an-
other. Diophanes was for entrusting to the senate
the adjudication of all questions : they, he said,
would best settle the disputes between the Achaeans
and the Lacedaemonians ; Lycortas, acting on the
instructions of Philopoemen, demanded that the
Achaeans be permitted to carry out whatever they
had decreed in accordance with the treaty and their
own laws, and that the Romans should grant them,
unabridged, the freedom of which they themselves
were the source. The people of the Achaeans at
that time had great influence with the Romans ;
nevertheless, it was decreed that no change should be
made in the status of the Lacedaemonians.^ The
reply, however, was so ambiguous that both the
Achaeans accepted it as a concession of freedom of
action regarding Lacedaemon and the Lacedaemon-

107

monii non omnia concessa iis interpretarentur. Hac
potestate immodice Achaei ac superbe usi sunt.
Philopoemeni continuatur magistratus.

XXXIII. Qui veris initio exercitu indicto castra in

2 finibus Lacedaemoniorum posuit, legates deinde
misit ad deposcendos auctores defectionis, et civi-
tatem in pace futuram si id fecisset pollicentes et

3 illos nihil indicta causa passuros. Silentium prae
metu ceterorum fuit ; quos nominatim depoposcerat,
ipsi se ituros professi sunt, fide accepta a legatis vim

4 abfuturam,^ donee causam dixissent. lerunt etiam
alii illustres \-iri, et advocati privatis et quia pertinere

5 causam eorum ad rem publicam censebant. Num-
quam alias exules Lacedaemoniorum Achaei secum
adduxerant in fines, quia nihil aeque alienaturum
animos civitatis videbatur ; tunc exercitus totius

6 prope antesignani exules erant. Hi venientibus
Lacedaemoniis ad portam castrorum agmine facto
occurrerunt ; et primo lacessere iurgiis, deinde,
altercatione orta, cum accenderentur irae,- ferocissimi

7 exulum impetum in Lacedaemonios fecerunt. Cum
illi deos et fidem legatorum testarentur, et legati et
praetor summovere turbam et protegere Lacedae-
monios \-inclaque iam quosdam inicientes arcere.^

^ uim abfutiiram r : futuram {post spat, rel.) B.

2 irae ~ : ira B. ^ arcere Weissenborn : arceret B~.

1 Elections were normally held in the autumn, and Philo-
poemen may have been chosen for his sixth term before the
embassy to Rome.

2 The introductory' relative gives some support to the
view that chap, xxxiii should begin with Hac or with Philo-
poemeni above. I have retained the division of the Teubner
text.

3 At this time the Achaeans were deliberately trying to
provoke the Lacedaemonians to violence.

io8

BOOK XXXVIII. XXXII. lo-xxxiii. 7

ians interpreted it as not granting the Achaeans full b.c. 189
authority. This power the Achaeans employed
unrestrainedly and tyrannically. Philopoemen was
re-elected to the chief magistracy.^

XXXIII. He 2 at the beginning of spring called
out the army and encamped within the borders of
the Lacedaemonians, and then sent ambassadors to
demand the men responsible for the revolt and to
promise that the state should be at peace if they did
this and that those men should suffer no injury with-
out the opportunity to plead their cause in court.
The rest kept silent from fear ; those w^hom he had
demanded by name declared that they would go on
receipt from the ambassadors of a guaranty that
they should suffer no violence until they had pleaded
their cause. Other well-known men also went wdth
them, both to support them as private citizens and
because they knew that their case affected the public
interest. Under no other circumstances had the
Achaeans taken Lacedaemonian exiles with them to
the frontiers,^ because it was obvious that nothing
would offend so much the feelings of the state ;
on this occasion practically the whole of the advance
troops of the army consisted of exiles. They formed
in a body and met the Lacedaemonians as they came
to the gates of the camp ; and at first they assailed
them \vith insults and then, as a quarrel broke out and
passions were aroused, the most impetuous of the
exiles attacked the Lacedaemonians. When they
appealed to the gods and the pledges of the ambas-
sadors, both the ambassadors and the praetor were
trying to push the mob aside and to protect the Lace-
daemonians and to restrain some who were already
binding them with chains. The crowd grew as the

109

LIVY

8 Crescebat tumult u concitato turba ; et Achaei ad

9 spectaculum primo concurrebant ; deinde vociferanti-
bus exulibus quae passi forent et orantibus opem
affirmantibusque simul numquam talem occasionem
habituros si earn praetermisissent ; foedus, quod in
Capitolio, quod Olympiae, quod in arce Athenis

10 sacratum fuisset. irrituni per illos esse; priusquam
alio de integro foedere obligarentur, noxios puniendos
esse, accensa his vocibus multitude ad vocem unius,
qui ut ferirent inclama\-it,. saxa coniecit. Atque ita
decem septem, quibus vincula per tumultum iniecta

11 erant, interfecti sunt. Sexaginta tres postero die
comprehensi; a quibus praetor vim arcuerat.^ non
quia salvos vellet sed quia perire causa indicta
nolebat, obiecti ^ multitudini iratae, cum aversis ^
auribus pauca locuti essent, damnati omnes et traditi
sunt ad supplicium.

XXXIW Hoc metu iniecto Lacedaemoniis im-
peratum primum uti muros diruerent ; deinde ut
omnes extemi auxiliares, qui mercede apud tyrannos
2 militassent, terra Laconica excederent ; tum uti
quae servitia tyranni liberassent — ea magna multitude
erat — ante diem certam abirent ; qui ibi mansissent,
eos prendendi abducendi vendendi Achaeis ius esset ;

^ arcuerat r : arguerat B.

2 obiecti " : obiecta B.

3 aversis edd. vett. : aduersis B~.

^ Their exact meaning is uncertain.

BOOK XXXVIII. XXXIII. 8-xxxiv. 2

excitement increased ; and first the Achaeans rushed b.c. 189
up to see the sight ; then the exiles began bitterly
to proclaim what they had suffered and to beg for aid,
at the same time asserting that they would never
have such an opportunity if they let this one slip ;
the treaty, they said, which had been ratified with
religious sanction on the Capitoline, at Olympia,
and on the Acropolis at Athens, had been made void
by those men ; ^ before they were bound anew by
another treaty they urged that the guilty should be
punished. Then the multitude, inflamed by these
words, at the call of one man, who shouted out that
they should strike, began to throw stones. And so
seventeen of those who had been put into chains in
the excitement were killed. ^ The next day sixty-
three were arrested whom the praetor had protected
against violence, not because he was concerned for
their safety but because he did not wish them to
be killed without pleading their cause, becoming the
victims of an angry mob, and when they had spoken
briefly to hostile ears all were condemned and handed
over for execution.

XXXIV. Fear having been thus inspired in the
Lacedaemonians, it was first ordered that they
should destroy their walls ; then, that all the foreign
auxiliaries who had served under the tyrants for pay
should leave Laconian territory ; next, that the
slaves whom the tyrants had freed ^ — their number
1 was large — should depart before a designated day ;
if any of them remained the Achaeans were to have
the right to seize, carry off and sell them ; then, that

- This affair was too ingeniously explained by Lycortas
in 184 B.C. (XXXIX. xxxvi. 9-16).

2 Nabis defended this policy in XXXIV. xxxi. 14-18.

3 Lycurgi leges moresque abrogarent. Achaeorum
adsueseerent legibus institutisque : ita unius eos
corporis fore et de omnibus rebus facilius consensuros.

4 Nihil oboedientius fecerunt quam ut muros diruerent,

5 nee aegrius passi sunt quam exules reduci. Decretum
Tegeae in concilio communi Achaeorum de restituen-

6 dis iis factum est ; et mentione illata externos auxi-
liares dimissos ac Lacedaemoniis adscriptos — ita
enim vocabant qui ab tyrannis liberati erant — urbe
excessisse et in ^ agros dilapsos,^ priusquam dimittere-
tur exercitus; ire praetorem cimi expeditis et com-
prehendere id genus hominum et vendere iure

7 praedae placuit. Multi comprehensi venierunt.
Porticus ex ea pecunia Megalopoli permissu ^

8 Achaeorum refecta est quam Lacedaemonii diruerant.
Et ager Belbinates, quem iniuria tyranni Lacedae-
moniorum possederant, restitutus eidem civitati ex
decreto vetere Achaeorum, quod factum erat Philippo

9 Amyntae filio regnante. Per haec velut enervata
civitas Lacedaemoniorima diu Achaeis obnoxia fuit ;
nulla tamen res tanto erat damno quam discipHna

^ et ill Us-sing : in Br.
- dilapsos r : dilapsus B.
^ permissu r : persensu B.

1 The traditional Spartan constitution had been preserved
when Sparta was taken into the Achaean League in 192 B.C.
(XXXV. xxxvii. 2). The apparent purpose of the Achaeans
at this time was to weaken their military power, although
their pretext has a fairer sound.

2 Thev were supposed to have been built bv the tvrants
(XXXR'. xxxviii.2).

112

BOOK XXXVIII. XXXIV. 3-9

they should annul the laws and customs of Lycurgus ^ ^•^' ^^^
and adjust themselves to the laws and institutions of
the Achaeans : thus, they said, they would all become
one body and would agree more readily on all matters.
They obeyed no command more willingly than the
order to tear down their walls ,^ nor were they more
reluctant to accept any than the one which required
that the exiles be restored. The decree for their
restoration was passed at Tegea in the common
council of the Achaeans,^ and when the report was
submitted that the foreign auxiliaries had been dis-
charged and that the newly-registered Lacedae-
monians— for so they called the men who had been
set free by the tyrants — had left the city and had
scattered through the country, they ordered the
praetor, before the army was dismissed, to go ^\'ith
the light-armed troops and arrest men of this category
and sell them under the law governing booty. Many
were arrested and sold. Out of this money, with the
permission of the Achaeans, they rebuilt a portico at
, Megalopolis which the Lacedaemonians had destroyed.
Also the age)' Belbinates,^ which had been wrongfully
seized by the tyrants of the Lacedaemonians, was
given back to that state under an old decree of the
Achaeans which had been passed while Philip, the
son of Amyntas, was on the throne.^ The Lacedae-
monian state, thus, so to speak, emasculated, was
long at the mercy of the Achaeans ; yet nothing did
them so much injury as the subversion of the discipline

^ Since these men had been banished as a result of party
; strife, their restoration practically assured the progressive
* weakening of Lacedaemon by internal political conflict.

^ Probably the territory of the town of Belemina in Tripolis.

^ This Philip was the father of Alexander the Great.

Lycurgi, cui per octingentos annos adsuerant,
sublata.

XXXV. A concilio, ubi ad consulem inter Achaeos
Lacedaemoniosque disceptatum est, M. Fulvius,
quia iam in exitu annus erat. comitiorum causa
profectus Romam crea\-it consules M. Valerium
Messalam et C. Li\'iuni Salinatorem, cum ^ M.
Aemiliuni Lepidum inimicum eo quoque anno peten-

2 tern deiecisset.- Praetores inde creati Q. Marcius
Philippus M. Claudius Marcellus C. Stertinius C.
Atinius P. Claudius Pulcher L. Manlius Acidinus.

3 Comitiis perfectis consulem M. Fulvium in provinciam
et ad exercitum redire placuit, eique et collegae Cn.

4 Manlio imperium in annum prorogatum est. Eo
anno in aede Herculis signum ^ dei ipsius ex decem-
virorum responso, et seiuges in Capitolio aurati a
P.^ Cornelio positi ; consulem dedisse inscriptum est.

5 Et duodecim clipea aurata ab aedilibus curulibus P.
Claudio Pulchro et Ser. Sulpicio Galba sunt posita ex
pecunia qua frumentarios ob annonam compressam

6 damnarunt ; et aedilis plebi Q. Fulvius Flaccus duo

^ cum ed. Frobeniana 1535 : om. Br.

■2 deiecisset ed. Frobeniana 1535 : decessisset B : deces-
sisse r.

^ signum r : om. B.

^ a P. Sigonius : ab cn. Br.

^ The numeral cannot be taken too literally, although it
is used again in XXXIX. xxxvii. 5 (in the speech of
Lycortas).

'^ lAxx omits to say how the case was decided. The events
described in the preceding chapters (see the note to xxx. 6
above) must all have antedated this meeting, although the
chronology is badly confused.

3 Lepidus had been defeated the preceding year (XXXVII.
xlvii. 7).

114

BOOK XXXVIII. XXXIV. 9-xxxv. 6

of Lycurgus to which they had been accustomed for b.c. 18s
eight hundred years. ^

XXXV. From the council at which the case of the
Achaeans and the Lacedaemonians had been argued
before the consul,^ Marcus Fulvius, since his year
was now near its end, set out for Rome to hold the
elections and announced the selection as consuls of
Marcus Valerius Messala and Gains Livius Salinator,
when he had secured the defeat of his personal foe,
Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, who was a candidate that
year also.^ Next the praetors were elected ; Quin-
tus Marcius Philippus, Marcus Claudius Marcellus,
Gains Stertinius, Gains Atinius, Publius Claudius
Pulcher, and Lucius Manlius Acidinus. When the
elections were over it was decided that the consul
Marcus Fulvius should return to the province and
the army, and for him and for his colleague Gnaeus
Manlius the imperium was prolonged for one year.
In that year in the temple of Hercules a statue of the
divinity himself was installed in accordance with a
decree of the decemvirs, and a six-horse chariot of
gold was set up on the Capitoline by PubHus Corne-
lius ; ^ the inscription read that " one who had been
consul had dedicated it."^ Also twelve gilded
shields were set up by the curule aediles, Publius
Claudius Pulcher and Servius Sulpicius Galba, out of
the money which they had condemned the grain-
dealers to pay for hoarding the grain-supply ; like-
v.'ise the plebeian aedile, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus,

^ Probably Scipio Nasica.

^ The use of consul in such inscriptions would not mean
that the donor was consul at the time of the dedication, but
merely that he had held the office. The inscription may have
existed in Livy's time.

115

i2

LIVY

signa aurata uno reo damnato — nam separatim
accusaverant ^ — posuit ; collega eius A. Caecilius
neminem condemna\it. Ludi Romani ter, plebei
quinquiens toti instaurati.

7 M. ^'alerius Messala inde et C. Livius Salinator
consulatum idibus Martiis cum inissent, de re
publica deque provinciis et exercitibus senatum

8 consuluerunt. De Aetolia et Asia nihil mutatum
est ; consulibus alteri Pisae cum Liguribus, alteri

9 Gallia provincia decreta est. Comparare inter se aut
sortiri iussi et novos exercitus, binas legiones,
scribere et ut sociis ^ Latini nominis quina dena milia
peditum imperarent et mille et ducentos equites.

10 Messalae Ligures, Salinatori obtigit Gallia. Prae-
tores inde sortiti sunt : M. Claudio urbana, P.
Claudio peregrina iurisdictio evenit ; Q. Marcius
Siciliam,. C. Stertinius Sardiniam, L. Manlius His-
paniam citeriorem, C. Atinius ulteriorem est sortitus.
XXX^'I. De exercitibus ita placuit : ex Gallia
legiones quae sub C. Laelio fuerant ad M. Tuccium

2 propraetorem in Bruttios traduci, et qui in Sicilia
esset dimitti exercitum, et classem quae ibi esset

3 Romam reduceret M. Sempronius propraetor. His-
paniis singulae legiones quae turn in iis provinciis
erant decretae,^ et ut terna milia peditum, ducenos
equites ambo praetores in supplementum sociis

^ accusaverant ed. Moguniina : accusati erant B~ : accu-
sauerunt 21.

2 sociis r : socii B. ^ decretae r : decreta B.

1 The aediles usually acted in unison.

2 The meaning must be that each consul was to have six
himdred cavalry. The ratio of cavalry- to infantrv' fluctuates
so much that emendation of distributive numerals (twelve
hundred cavalrv for each) is not justified.

ii6

BOOK XXXVIII. XXXV. 6-xxxvi. 3

after convicting only one defendant — for they had b.c. 18
prosecuted independently^ — dedicated two gilded
statues ; his colleague Aulus Caecilius condemned
no one. The Roman Games in their entirety were
repeated three times, the Plebeian Games five times.

Then, when Marcus Valerius Messala and Gaius b.c. 18J
Livius Salinator had been inaugurated as consuls on
the Ides of March, they consulted the senate re-
garding the general policy and regarding the pro-
vinces and armies. No change was made respecting
Aetolia and Asia ; to one consul was assigned Pisa
together with the Ligurians, to the other Gaul, as
their provinces. They were directed to arrange
between them or to cast lots and to enroll new armies
of two legions each and to requisition from the allies
of the Latin confederacy fifteen thousand infantry
for each and twelve hundred cavalry. 2 The lot gave to
Messala the Ligurians and to Salinator Gaul. Then
the praetors cast lots : Marcus Claudius received the
jurisdiction between citizens and Publius Claudius
that between citizens and aliens ; Quintus Marcius
Sicily, Gaius Stertinius Sardinia, Lucius Manlius
Nearer Spain and Gaius Atinius Farther Spain.

XXX\T. Regarding the armies, this was the de-
cision : the legions from Gaul, which had been under
the command of Gaius Laelius, to be transferred to
Marcus Tuccius the propraetor for service among the
Brutti, the army which was in Sicily to be brought
home, and the fleet which was there to be conducted
to Rome by Marcus Sempronius the propraetor.
For the Spains the single legions which were then in
tliose provinces were decreed, and the praetors were
allowed to enlist as reinforcements from the allies
and to transport with them each three thousand

H7

LR'Y

4 imperarent secumque transportarent. Priusquam in
provincias novi magistratus proficiscerentur, suppli-
catio triduum pro collegio decemvirorum imperata
fuit in omnibus compitis, quod luce inter horam
tertiam ferme et quartam tenebrae obortae fuerant.
Et novemdiale sacrificium indictum est, quod in
Aventino lapidibus plu\dsset.

5 Campani, cum eos ex senatus consulto quod
priore anno factum erat censores Romae censeri
coegissent — nam antea incertum fuerat^ ubi censeren-
tur — petierunt ut sibi cives Romanas ducere uxores

6 liceret et, si qui prius duxissent,- ut habere eas et
nati ante eam diem uti iusti sibi liberi heredesque

7 essent. Utraqueres impetrata. De Formianis Funda-
nisque municipibus et Arpinatibus C. \'alerius Tappo
tribunus plebis promulgavit ut iis suifragii latio —
nam antea sine suffragio habuerant ^ civitatem —

8 esset. Huic rogationi quattuor tribuni plebis,*
quia non ex auctoritate senatus ferretur, cum inter-
cederent, edocti populi esse, non senatus, ius suffra-
gium quibus velit impertire, destiterunt incepto.

^ fuerat r : erat B. - duxissent r : dixissent B.

^ habuerant r : habuerunt B. * plebis r : om. B.

1 This eclipse has been dated July 17, 188 B.C. (corrected
calendar).

2 Cf. xxviii. 4 above.

3 This Avould grant them, retroactively, conubiuyn, a right
characteristic of Roman citizenship.

* The municipia in general enjoyed only the private rights
{commercium and conubium) of Roman citizens : Livj de-
scribes their status as civitas sine suffragio. This incident
illustrates the gradual promotion of the municipia to full
civic rights.

° Measures intended for an assembly were ordinarily,
but not necessarily, submitted first to the senate, and those

ii8

BOOK XXXMII. XXXVI. sS

infantry and two hundred cavalry. Before the new b.c.u
magistrates departed for their provinces a three-
day period of prayer was proclaimed in the name of
the college of decemvirs at all the street-corner
shrines because in the day-time, between about the
third and fourth hours, darkness had covered every-
thing.^ Also a nine-day sacrifice was decreed
because (so it was said) there had been a shower of
stones on the Aventine.

The Campanians,^ since, according to the decree
which had been passed the year before, the censors
compelled them to be assessed at Rome — for previously
it had been uncertain where they should be assessed
— requested that they should be permitted to take
Roman citizens as wives, that any who had already
married Roman citizens should be allowed to keep
them, and that children born before this day should
be legitimate, free, and capable of inheriting from
their fathers.^ Both requests were granted. Re-
specting the residents in the municipalities * of
Formiae, Fundi and Arpinum, Gaius Valerius Tappo,
tribune of the people, proposed that the right to
vote — for previously the citizenship without the right
to vote had belonged to them — should be conferred
upon them. When four tribunes of the people vetoed
this bill, on the ground that it was not proposed with
the sanction ^ of the senate, and they were informed
that it was the prerogative of the assembly, not the
senate, to bestow the franchise upon whomsoever it
desired, they gave up the effort. The bill was passed

which the senate favoured received its auctoritas. In this
instance the assembly seems to assert its legislative in-
dependence of the senate, but Livy's habit of abbreviating
his accoimts of constitutional debates complicates the problem.

119

9 Roo;atio perlata est ut in Aemilia tribu Formiani et
Fundani, in ^ Cornelia Arpinates ferrent ; atque in his
tribiibus - turn primum ex Valerio plebiscite censi
In sunt. M. Claudius Marcellus censor sorte ^ superato
T. Quinctio lustrum condidit. Censa sunt civium
capita CCL\'III CCCXVIII. Lustro perfecto consules
in provincias profecti sunt.

XXX\'IL Hieme ea qua haec Romae gesta sunt,
ad Cn. Manlium consulem primum. dein * pro consule,
hibernantem in Asia, legationes undique ex omnibus
civitatibus gentibusque. quae cis Taurum montem

2 incolunt. conveniebant. Et ut clarior nobiliorque
^-ictoria Romanis de rege Antiocho fuit quam de
Gallis, ita laetior sociis erat de Gallis quam de

3 Antiocho. Tolerabilior regia ser^itus fuerat quam
feritas immanium barbarorum incertusque in dies
terror, quo velut tempestas eos populantes inferret.^

4 Itaque, ut quibus Ubertas Antiocho pulso, pax Gallis
domitis data esset, non gratulatum modo venerant
sed coronas etiam aureas pro suis quaeque facultatibus

5 attulerant. Et ab Antiocho legati et ab ipsis Gallis,
ut pacis leges dicerentur, et ab Ariarathe rege
Cappadocum venerunt ad veniam petendam luendam-
que pecunia noxam. quod auxiliis Antiochum iuvisset.^

^ et fundani in r : om. B.

- tribubus ~ : tribus B. ^ sorte r : om. B.

* dein r : deinde in B. ^ inferret r : inferet B.

^ iuuisset r : iuuissent B.

^ The Aemilia and Corrielia were two of the local tribes
(ultimately thirty-five in number) to which all Roman
citizens v.-ere assigned.

2 Cf. XXXV. ix. 2 and the first note.

^ Cf. XXXV. ix. 2 and the second note, and the Periocha
of this Book.

120

BOOK XXXVIII. XXXVI. 9-xxxvii. 5

u^th the provision that the people of Formiae and b.c. 18S
Fundi should vote in the tribe called Aemilia and the
Arpinates in the Cornelia ; and in these tribes they
were then for the first time registered under the
Valerian plebiscite.^ Marcus Claudius Marcellus
the censor, having been victorious over Titus Quinct-
ius at the drawing of lots, closed the lustrum.^ The
number of citizens shown by the census was two hun-
dred and fifty-eight thousand three hundred and
eighteen.^ The lustrum having been closed, the
consuls set out for their provinces.

XXXVII. During the winter in which these events
occurred in Rome, Gnaeus Manlius, who was winter-
ing in Asia, first as consul, then as proconsul, received
embassies from all quarters, from all the cities
and tribes which live on this side of the Taurus
mountain. And while the Roman victory over King
Antiochus had been more glorious and more splendid
than that over the Gauls, yet the victory over the
Gauls afforded the allies more satisfaction than that
over Antiochus. The slavery imposed by the king
was more endurable than the ferocity of the rude bar-
barians and the constant and uncertain fear as to when
a storm, so to speak, would bring down upon them
the marauding Gauls. Accordingly, since from the
overthrow of Antiochus they had received liberty and
peace from the defeat of the Gauls, they had not only
come to offer congratulations but had brought golden
crowns, each in proportion to his ability. Also
ambassadors came from Antiochus, and from the
Gauls themselves, asking that terms of peace should
be stated, and from King Ariarathes of Cappadocia,
to ask pardon and to wash away with money his guilt
in that he had aided Antiochus with auxiliaries.

121

LI\T

6 Huic sescenta talenta argenti sunt imperata ; Gallis
responsum, cum Eumenes rex venisset, turn daturum
iis leges. ^ Chitatium legationes cum benignis
responsis, laetiores etiam quam venerant, dimissae.

7 Antiochi leo'ati pecuniam in Pamphyliam frumentum-
que ex pacto cum L. Scipione foedere iussi advehere ;

8 eo se cum exercitu venturum. Principio deinde veris
lustrato exercitu profectus die octavo Apameam
venit. Ibi triduum stati\'is habitis. tertiis rursus ab
Apamea castris in Pamphyliamj quo pecuniam frumen-

9 tumque regios convehere iusserat, pervenit. Duo
milia et quingenta - talenta argenti accepta Apameam
deportantur ; frumentum exercitui dividitur. Inde
ad Pergam ducit. quae una in iis locis regio tenebatur

In praesidio. Appropinquanti praefectus praesidii ob-
vius fuit, tricrinta dierum tempus petens ut regem

11 Antiochum de urbe tradenda consuleret. Dato
tempore ad earn diem praesidio decessum est.^ A
Perga L. Manlio fratre cum quattuor milibus militum
Oroanda ^ ad reliquum pecuniae ex eo quod pepi-
gerant exigendum misso. ipse, quia Eumenem regem
et decem legatos ab Roma Ephesum audierat venisse.
iussis sequi Antiochi legatis Apameam exercitum
reduxit.

XXX^'III. Ibi ex decem legatorum sententia
foedus in haec verba fere cum Antiocho ^ conscriptum

1 leges ed. Frobeniana 1535 : legem Br.

2 Duo milia et quingenta Rubens : mille et quinqua-
ginta Br.

^ praesidio decessum est ed. Frobeniana 1535 : decessit
praesidio et Br.

* oroanda r : om., spat, rd., B.
^ cum antiocho r : om. B.

^ Polybius (XXII. xxvi) saj^s that the commander had
received no instructions from Antiochus to evacuate the town.
122

BOOK XXXVIII. XXXVII. 6-xxxviii. i

Six hundred talents of silver were demanded of him ; b.c,
the Gauls were told that when King Eumenes had
arrived he would give them terms. The embassies
from the cities were sent away with gracious re-
sponses and in an even happier mood than when they
had come. The envoys of Antiochus were directed
to bring to Pamphylia the money and grain agreed
upon in the treaty concluded with Lucius Scipio ; the
consul and the army would come there. Then at
the beginning of spring, having purified the army,
he set out and reached Apamea on the eighth day.
Having spent three days in camp there, in three more
marches from Apamea he arrived in Pamphylia,
where he had ordered the king's agents to bring the
money and grain. Two thousand five hundred talents
of silver were received and conveyed to Apamea ; the
grain was distributed to the army. Then he led the
troops towards Perga, which alone in this district
was held by a royal garrison.^ As he approached the
commander of the garrison met him, asking for a
truce of thirty days in order that he might consult
King Antiochus about surrendering the city. The
time having been granted for that period, the garrison
withdrew. From Perga he sent his brother Lucius
Manlius with four thousand men to Oroanda to collect
the balance of the money which they had agreed to
pay ,2 and he himself, since he had heard that King
Eumenes and the ten commissioners had arrived
in Ephesus from Rome, ordered the envoys of
Antiochus to follow and led the army back to
Apamea.

XXX\TII. There in accordance with the decision ~*
of the ten commissioners the treaty with Antiochus

^ Cf. xviii. 2 above.

123

LIVY

2 est : '• Amicitia regi Antiocho cum populo Romano his
legibus et condicionibus esto : ne quem exercitum,
qui cum populo Romano sociisve bellum gesturus erit,
rex per fines regni sui eorumve qui sub dicione eius
erunt transire sinito, neu commeatu neu ^ qua alia

3 ope iuvato ; idem Romani sociique Antiocho et iis
qui sub imperio eius erunt praestent. Belli gerendi
ius Antiocho ne esto cum ilUs qui insulas colunt neve

4 in Europam transeundi. Excedito ^ urbibus agris
vicis castellis cis Taurum montem usque ad Halyn ^
amnem, et a valle * Tauri usque ad iuga qua in

5 Lycaoniam vergit. Ne qua praeter^ arma efferto ^

^ neu r ; nee B. ^ excedito r : expedite B.

^ Halyn Budaeus : tanaim B, fortasse rectius : accaym,
accayn, canym, achanim ~ : Taurum Mommsen ; de loco toto
uid. qvuie Anglice scripsi.

* a ualle r : ea ualle B : ab ea valle Viereck, fortasse
rectius.

^ ipvaeteT Perizonius : om. Br.

^ efFerto r : et ferto B.

^ In XXXVII. Iv-lvi the appointment of this commission
was recorded and their functions stated as the adjustment
of such details as could be considered only on the ground.
There are certain changes in the treaty as stated below and
certain discrepancies between it and the text as given by
Polybius (XXII. xxvii).

2 The crucial part of this sentence is lost from the text of
Polybius and the MSS. of Livy ofier a variety of readings.
Xo combination of emendations has been found which pays
due regard to the readings of the Livy MSS. and also gives
a definite and easily recognizable boundars\ I have there-
fore translated the text as it is printed in the latest Weissen-
born-Mueller revision, although I ma}" have given to Tauri
a construction differing from theirs. I have chosen this
course with full appreciation of the difficulties involved,
some of which it seems proper to discuss briefly. The reference
to the Halys river seems inappropriate unless it was the
intention of the treaty-makers to dispose also of the terri-
124

BOOK XXXVIII. XXXVIII. 1-5

was drafted in about this language : ^ " There shall
be friendship between King Antiochus and the Roman
people on these conditions and terms : the king shall
permit no army which shall purpose to wage war with
the Roman people or its allies to march through the
territories of his kingdom or of his allies, and he shall
not aid them with grain or with any other form of
assistance ; the Romans and their allies shall guar-
antee the same to Antiochus and to those who are
under his control. Antiochus shall have no right to
wage war upon those peoples who inhabit the
islands nor to cross to Europe. He shall withdraw
from the cities, lands, villages and strongholds on
this side of the Taurus mountain as far as the Halys
river and from the valley as far as the ridges of Taurus
where it slopes down into Lycaonia.^ He shall carry

tories brought to notice by the defeat of the Gauls. But no
Tanais river is known and a Taurus river must be imaginatively
identified. (Livy mentions a river of this name in xv. 7
above, but even if he is correct the position he gives it is
wrong.) Furthermore, no natural boundary is provided
between the crest of the Taurus range and the Halys river
(I presume that this means the portion of the river above
the point where it turns north-west near the Cappadocian-
Cilician frontier). If a Tanais river could be plausibly
identified north of the Taurus range, I should be inclined to
read . . . cis Taurum montem usque ad Tanaim amne^n, et
ab ea valle Tauri usque ad iuga . . . ( " on this side of the
Taurus mountain as far as the river Tanais and from the valley
of this river as far as the crest of Taurus"), although the
order in which these geographical points are mentioned seems
unnatural. It seems hardly necessary to establish an eastern
frontier for Asia. For reviews of recent discussion of these
questions see the Bericht on Livy by Rau and that on Greek
History by Lenschau in Jahresbericht iiber die Fortschritte
der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, 242, 1934, esp. p. 87,
and 244, 1934, esp. pp. 120-121, respectively, and Map 3 in
this volume.

125

LIYY

ex iis oppidis agris castellisque quibus excedat ;
si qua extulit quo quaeque ^ oportebit recte restituito.

6 Ne militem neu quern alium ex regno Eumenis
recipito. Si qui earum urbium cives quae regno
abscedunt cum rege Antiocho intraque fines regni
eius sunt, Apameam omnes ante diem certam re-

7 deunto : qui ex regno Antiochi apud Romanos
sociosque sunt, iis ius abeundi manendique esto ;
servos seu fugitivos seu bello captos, seu quis liber
captus aut transfuga erit, reddito Romanis sociisque.

8 Elephantos tradito omnes neque alios parato.
Tradito et naves longas amiamentaque earum. neu
plures quam decem naves tectas neve plures quam
. . . naves actuarias,^ nulla quarum plus quam ^
triginta remis agatur, habeto, neve monerem * belli

9 causa quod ipse illaturus erit. Ne navigato citra
Calycadnum neu Sarpedonium promunturia, extra
quam si qua navis pecuniam ^ in ^ stipendium aut

10 legatos aut obsides portabit. Milites mercede
conducendi ex iis gentibus quae sub dicione populi
Romani sunt Antiocho regi ius ne esto, ne voluntarios

] 1 quidem recipiendi. Rhodiorum sociorumve quae

^ quo quaeque Perizoniiis : quae quoque Br.
2 decem naves tectas neve plures quam * naves actuarias
Madvig : .X. naues Br : decem naues actuarias J/.
^ quam r : quam in B.

* monerem Madvig : minore ea B : minorem ex J/ :
minorem ea ef monerem ea r.

° pecuniam r : pecunias B.

* in 31 ad via : om. Br.

^ The MSS. of Liv^- provide for decem naves actuarial
only. Polybius, however, allows ten decked ships, and it
seems necessary then to assume the loss of some words,
including a numeral for actuarias. For the sake of simplicity,

126

BOOK XXXVIII. XXXVIII. 5-11

away nothing but his weapons from these towns,
lands and fortresses from which he is withdrawing ;
if he has removed anything, he shall duly restore it to
the place in which each item belongs. He shall
harbour no soldier or other person from the kingdom
of Eumenes. If any citizens of those cities which are
separating from his kingdom are with King Antiochus
and within the borders of his kingdom, they shall all
return to Apamea before a designated day ; whatever
persons from the kingdom of Antiochus are with the
Romans or their allies shall have the right to depart or
to remain; slaves, whether fugitives or prisoners of
war, and whatever freemen there are, whether
prisoners of war or deserters, he shall turn over to the
Romans and their allies. He shall surrender all his
elephants and shall acquire no more. He shall
surrender also his warships and their rigging, and he
shall have not more than ten decked ships nor
more than ten merchant vessels ,1 nor shall any of
these be propelled by more than thirty oars, nor shall
he have a ship of one bank for a war in M'hich he him-
self shall be the aggressor. He shall not sail beyond
the promontories of Calycadnus and Sarpedon, unless
a ship is carrying payments of tribute or ambassadors
or hostages. King Antiochus shall not be authorized
to hire soldiers from those peoples which are under the
control of the Roman people, nor even to accept
volunteers therefrom. If the Rhodians or the allies

I have assumed in the translation, though I have not ventured
to include it in the text, that this numeral was decern : any-
thing is a guess, since Polybius mentions neither the actuariae
nor the moneris. The restriction on moneres should apply
equally to such actuariae as could easily be adapted to military
uses, so that there may be more corruption in both Livy and
Polybius than has been recognized.

127

LIVY

aedes aedificiaque intra fines regni Antiochi sunt,
quo iure ante bellum fuerunt, eo Rhodiorum sociorum-

12 ve sunto ; si quae pecuniae debentur, earuni exactio
esto ; si quid ablatum est, id conquirendi cognoseendi
repetendique item ius esto. Si quas urbes quas tradi
oportet ii tenent, quibus Antiochus dedit, et ex iis
praesidia deducito, utique recte tradantur/ curato.

13 Argenti probi talenta Attica duodecim milia date
intra duodecim annos pensionibus acquis — talentum
ne minus pondo - octoginta ^ Romanis ponderibus
pendat — et tritici quingenta quadraginta milia

14 modium. Eumeni regi talenta trecenta quinqua-
ginta intra quinquennium dato. et pro frumento
quod aestimatione fit talenta centum viginti septem.

15 Obsides Romanis viginti dato et triennio mutato, ne
minores octonum denum annorum neu maiores

16 quinum quadragenum. Si qui sociorum populi
Romani ultro bellum inferent ^ Antiocho, vim vi
arcendi ius esto, dum ne quam urbem aut belli iure

17 teneat aut in amicitiam accipiat. Controversias inter
se iure ac iudicio disceptanto,^ aut, si utrisque place-

^ tradantur r : tradatur B.

- pondo r : om. B.

^ octoginta r : LLXXX B.

* inferent r : inferrent B.

^ disceptanto J. F. Gronovius : diseeptent Br.

1 These provisions are probably included to protect existing
rights of individuals under private law.

2 The demand of Scipio (XXXVII. xlv. 14) was expressed
in the equivalent Euboean currency. One-fifth of the sum
had already been paid, and this clause mentions only the
instalments still due.

3 Polybius (XXII. xxvi) gives the figure more exactly as
one hundred and twenty-seven talents and twelve hundred

128

BOOK XXXVIII. XXXVIII. 11-17

own any houses or buildings within the boundaries of b.c. I88
the kingdom of Antiochus, they shall belong to the
Rhodians or the allies on the same basis as before the
war ; if any moneys are due, the right to collect them
shall exist ; if anything has been taken away, the
right shall likewise exist to search for, identify and
recover it.^ If any cities which should be surrendered
are held by persons to whom Antiochus has entrusted
them, he shall withdraw his garrisons from them and
shall see that they are duly surrendered. He shall
pay twelve thousand Attic talents ^ of tested silver
within twelve years in equal instalments— with the
proviso that the talent shall not w^eigh less than eighty
Roman pounds— and five hundred and forty thousand
modii of wheat. He shall pay to King Eumenes three
hundred and fifty talents within five years, and in
commutation for the grain, on his own valuation, one
hundred and twenty-seven talents.^ He shall give
the Romans twenty hostages and shall change them
triennially, provided that none of them shall be
younger than eighteen years nor older than forty-
five years. If any of the allies of the Roman people
shall without provocation make war upon Antiochus,
he shall have the right to oppose force with force,
[ provided that he shall neither hold any city under the
law of war nor receive any into friendship. They
i shall settle disputes between them by law and legal
5 formula,* or, if both states shall desire, by war."

and eight drachmae, adding that Antiochus had proposed
and Eumenes had agreed to accept this sum in full payment.
In XXXVII. x\v. 16 Scipio had insisted on the payment of
the grain which was due to Attalus, but both parties have
now agreed on compensation in cash.

* The clause is borrowed from the Roman ius civile.

129
VOL. XI. K

LIVY

18 bit, bello." De Haniiibale Poeno et Aetolo Thoante
et Mnasilocho ^ Acarnane et Chalcidensibus Eubulida
et Philone dedendis in hoc quoque foedere adscriptum
est et ut, si quid postea addi demi mutarive placuisset,
ut id salvo foedere fieret.

XXXIX. Consul in hoc foedus iuravit ; ab rege qui
exigerent - iusiurandum, profecti Q. Minucius
Thermus et L. Manlius, qui turn forte ab Oroandis

2 rediit. Et Q. Fabio Labeoni qui classi praeerat ^
scripsit, ut Patara extemplo proficisceretur, quaeque
ibi naves regiae essent concideret cremaretque.

3 Profectus ab Epheso quinquaginta tectas naves aut
concidit aut incendit. Telmessum eadem expedi-
tione territis subito adventu classis oppidanis recipit.

4 Ex Lvcia protinus. iussis ab Epheso sequi qui ibi
relicti erant per insulas in Graeciam traiecit. Athenis
paucos nioratus dies, dum Piraeum ab Epheso naves
venirent. tot am inde classem in Italiam reduxit.

5 Cn. Manlius cum inter cetera quae accipienda
ab Antiocho erant elephantos quoque accepisset do-
noque Eumeni omnes dedisset,^ causas deinde civita-

6 tium, multis inter novas res turbatis, cognoxit. Et
Ariarathes rex parte dimidia pecuniae imperataebene-
ficio Eumenis, cui desponderat per eos dies filiam,

7 remissa ^ in amicitiam est acceptus. Cii-itatium autem

^ Mnasilocho Drakenhorrh : milunosymacho B.

2 exigerent r : exigeret B.

^ praeerat r : praeerant B.

* dedisset r : dedisset et B.

^ remissa ed. Frobeniana lo3o : demissam B : dimissa r.

^ Poly bins names these men in the clause which Livy
quotes as sect. 7 above: cf. XXXVII. xlv. 16-17.

^ Polybius requires the consent of both parties to such
amendments.

3 Cf. XXXVII. Ix.

130

BOOK XXXVIIl. XXXVIII. 17-xxxix. 7

With regard to the surrender of Hannibal the Car-
thaginian, and Thoas the Aetolian and Mnasilochus
the Acarnanian and EubuHdas and Philo the Chalci-
dians,^ there was a clause in this treaty too, and
another to the effect that whatever in future it should
seem desirable to add, take away, or modify, could
be so altered without invalidating the treaty. ^

XXXIX. The consul swore to observe this treaty ;
to secure the oath from the king, Quintus Minucius
Thermus was sent and Lucius Manlius, who chanced
at that time to return from Oroanda. He wrote also
to Quintus Fabius Labeo, who was in command of the
fleet ,^ to proceed at once to Patara and to destroy
and burn the ships of the king that were there.
Setting out from Ephesus, he either wrecked or
burned fifty decked ships. Telmessus, since the
townspeople were alarmed at the unexpected appear-
ance of the fleet, was recovered on the same expedi-
tion. From Lycia, ordering the ships which had been
left at Ephesus to follow from there, Labeo crossed
straight to Greece by way of the islands. Delaying
a few days at Athens, until the ships from Ephesus
should reach Piraeus, he conducted the entire fleet
from there to Italy.

When Gnaeus Manlius, among the other things
which were to be received from Antiochus, had
received the elephants also and had presented them
all to Eumenes as a gift, he next investigated the
afffiirs of the cities, since many were in confusion in
consequence of the changes. And King Ariarathes,
half of the money which had been demanded of him
having been remitted through the good offices of
l'>umenes, to whom he had about this time betrothed
I iiis daughter, was received into friendship. The ten

131
k2

LI\'Y

cognitis causis decern legati aliam aliarum fecerunt
condicionem. Quae stipendiariae regi Antiocho
fuerant et cum populo Romano senserant, lis im-

8 munitatem dederunt ; quae partium Antiochi fuerant
aut stipendiariae Attali regis,, eas omnes vectigal
pendere Eumeni iu*-serunt. Nominatim praeterea
Colophoniis. qui in Notio habitant, et Cvmaeis et

9 Mylasenis immunitatem concesserunt ; Clazomeniis
super immunitatem et Drymussam insulam done
dederunt. et Milesiis quem sacrum appellant agrum

10 restituerunt; et Iliensibus Rhoeteum et Gergithum
addiderunt. non tam ob recentia ulla merita quam
originum memoria, Eadem at Dardanum iiberandi

1 1 causa fuit. Chios quoque et Zm^Tnaeos et Erythrae-
os. pro singulari fide quam eo bello praestiterunt, et
agro donarunt et in omni praecipuo honore habuerunt.

12 Phocaeensibus et ager quem ante bellum habuerant
reddituS; et ut legibus antiquis uterentur permissum.

13 Rhodiis affirmata quae data priore decreto erant;
Lycia et Caria datae usque ad Maeandrum amnem

U praeter Telmessum. Regi Eumeni Chersonesum in
Europa et Lysimachiam, castella \-icos agrum quibus

15 finibus tenuerat Antiochus, adiecerunt ; in Asia
Phrygian! utramque — alteram ad Hellespontum,
maiorem alteram vocant — et Mysiam, quam Prusia

Ifi rex ademerat. ei ^ restituerunt, et Lycaoniam et
Milyada et Lydiam et nominatim urbes Tralles
^ ei ed. Frobeniuna 1535 : et Br.

1 Cf. XXX Vr I. xxvi. 5-6.

BOOK XXXVIIL XXXIX. 7-16

commissioners, having looked into the situation of the b.c. 188
cities, made different dispositions in different cases.
Those which had been tributaries to King Antiochus
but had sided witli the Roman people were granted
freedom from taxation; those which had been
partisans of Antiochus or tributaries to King Attalus
were all ordered to pay tribute to Eumenes. In
addition, they granted freedom from taxation ex-
pressly to the Colophonians who live in Notium,i to
the Cymaeans and the Mylasenians ; to the Clazo-
menians, in addition to immuivity, they gave the
island of Drymussa as a gift, and to the Milesians
they restored what they call the " sacred land," and
to the people of Ilium they added Rhoeteum and
Gergithus, less as a reward for recent services than in
recognition of their descent. This was also the reason
for liberating Dardanus. The Chians, Zmyrnaeans
and Erythraeans, because of the extraordinary loyalty
they had displayed in the war, were rewarded with
lands and in addition were treated with every mark
of honour. To the Phocaeans they both gave back
the lands which they had held before the war and
permitted them to live under their ancient laws.
The Rhodians were confirmed in the possession of
what had been given them by the earlier decree ;
they received Lycia and Caria as far as the Meander
river with the exception of Telmessus. Upon King
Eumenes they bestowed, in Europe, the Chersonesus
and Lysimachia, the strongholds, villages and lands
within the boundaries of Antiochus ; in Asia, both
Phrygias — the one on the Hellespont, the other
which they call the Greater ; and they gave back to
him Mysia, which King Prusias had taken from him,
and Lycaonia and Milyas and Lydia and expressly

^33

7 atque Ephesum et Telmessum. De Pamphylia
disceptatum inter Eunienem et Antiochi legates cum
esset, quia pars eius citra pars ultra ^ Taurum est,
Integra res - ad senatum reicitur.

XL. His foederibus decretisque datis Manlius cum
decem legatis omnique exercitu ad Hellespontum
profectus, evocatis eo regulis Gallorum, leges quibus

2 pacem cum Eumene servarent dixit, denuntiavit ut
morem ^ vagandi cum armis finirent agrorumque suo-

3 rum terminis se continerent. Contractis deinde ex
omni ora navibus et Eumenis etiam classe per * Athe-
naeum fratrem regis ab Elaea adducta copias omnes

4 in Europam traiecit. Inde per Chersonesum modi-
cis ^ itineribus grave praeda omnis generis agmen
trahens Lysimachiae stativa habuit, ut quam maxime
recentibus et integris iumentis Thraeciam, per

5 quam iter vulgo horrebant, ingrederetur. Quo
profectus est ab Lysimachia die ad amnem Melana

6 quem vocant, inde postero die Cypsela pervenit. A

^ pars ultra r : par lustrato B.

2 Integra res ed. Froheniana 1531 : Integra B~.

^ morem r : mores B.

^ classe per r : classe iper B. ^ modicis r : om. B.

^ Polybiiis (XXII. xxix) seems to think that the dispute
concerned all Pamphylia, not regarding it, as Livy does, as
cut in two by the range. It is evident that not even the
commissioners, while on the spot, could tell where the western
end of the Taurus chain was situated, and one does not see
how the senate could be expected to determine that geo-
graphical fact. The incident shows how indistinct was the
boundary- established by the treaty : cf. the note to xxxviii. 4
above. In XLIV. xiv. 3 Pamphylia seems to be free, but
otherwise there is no indication of the senate's decision.

With the chapters which deal with the treaty and with the
settlement of Asia XXXVII. xlv. and Iv.-Ivi. should be read.

134

BOOK XXXVIII. XXXIX. i6-xl. 6

the cities of Tralles and Ephesus and Telmessus.
When a dispute over Pamphyha broke out between
Eumenes and the ambassadors of Antiochus, because
part of it was on this side of Taurus and part on the
other,! the whole question was referred to the senate.
XL. Having pubhshed these treaties and decrees,
Manhus with the ten commissioners and all the army-
set out for the Hellespont, summoning thither the
chiefs of the Gauls, and stated the terms on which they
should observe peace with Eumenes,^ and warned them
that they should discontinue their habit of wander-
ing about underarms and should keep themselves with-
in the boundaries of their own lands. Then, collect-
ing ships from the whole Chersonese coast, the fleet
of Eumenes also being brought up from Elaea by his
brother Athenaeus, he ferried all his forces across to
Europe.^ Thence by short stages, leading a column
heavily laden with every sort of booty, he established
a base at Lysimachia, in order that with his pack-
animals as far as possible fresh and in good condition
he might enter Thrace, the journey through which
was generally feared. On the day of his departure
from Lysimachia he reached the river called Melas
and on the day after that Cypsela. From Cypsela

2 The legal jurisdiction of either Manlius or the legati is
not clear. Rome acquired no territory from the Galatians
and recognized no Galatian interest in the treaty with
Antiochus. Nevertheless, Rome had a moral responsibility
for all Asia and particularly for the kingdom of Eumenes,
the nearest neighbour and the traditional enemy of the
Galatians.

^ Appian {Syr. 43), who abridges the account of the return
journey of Manlius, criticizes severely the decision to return
by land rather than by sea, and emphasizes the services
rendered to Scipio by Philip (XXXVII. vii. 16).

LIVY

Cypselis via decern milium fere silvestris angusta
confragosa excipiebat, propter cuius difficultatem
itineris in duas partes di\"isus exercitus, et praecedere
una iussa, altera, magno intervallo cogere agmen,
media impedimenta interposuit ; plaustra cum

7 pecunia publica erant pretiosaque alia praeda. Ita
cum per saltum iret, Thraecum decem baud amplius
milia ex quattuor populis, Astii et Caeni et Madua-
teni et Coreli, ad ipsas an^ustias viam circumse-

8 derunt. Opinio erat non sine Pbilippi Macedonum
regis fraude id factum ; eum scisse non alia quam per
Thraeciam redituros Romanos, et quantam pecu-

9 niam secum portarent. In primo agmine imperator
erat, sollicitus propter iniquitatem locorum. Thrae-
ces nihil se moverunt donee armati transirent ;

JO postquam primes superasse angustias \'iderunt,
postremos ^ nondum appropinquantes, impedimenta
et sarcinas invadunt, caesisque custodibus partim
ea quae in plaustris erant diripere, partim sub oneri-

] 1 bus iumenta abstrahere. Unde postquam clamor
primum ad eos, qui iam ingressi saltum sequebantur,
deinde etiarn ad primum agmen est perlatus, utrim-
que in medium concurritur, et inordinatum pluribus

12 simul locis proelium conseritur. Thraecas praeda
ipsa impeditos oneribus et plerosque, ut ad rapiendum
vacuas manus haberent, inermes ad caedem praebet ; ^
Romanos iniquitas locorum barbaris per calles notas

^ postremos r : supremos B.
2 praebet r : praebent B.

^ It was the Thracian plan to let the van go through,
block the road so that the van could not get back, and then
attack the baggage.

136

BOOK XXXVIII. XL. 6-12

a road awaited him, for about ten miles wooded,
narrow, rough, and by reason of the difficulty of this
route he divided the army into two sections, and,
having ordered one to go ahead and the other to
bring up the rear at a great distance, he placed the
baggage between them ; there were carts loaded
with public money and other valuable booty. As they
were marching in this order through the defile, not
more than ten thousand Thracians, of four tribes, the
Astii and the Caeni and the Maduateni and the Coreli,
blocked the road at the narrow point. ^ It was gener-
ally believed that this did not happen without
treachery on the part of Philip, king of the Mace-
donians ; he knew that the Romans would return by
no other route than through Thrace, and he knew how
much money they would bring with them. The
commander was Mith the van, being concerned about
the unfavourable character of the terrain. The
Thracians did not move until the armed troops were
past ; when they saw that the van was out of the
defile and that the rear Avas not yet at hand, they fell
upon the trains and the baggage, and having killed
the guards some of them carried off what was in the
wagons, others drove off the pack-animals, loads and
all. When the uproar reached first those who were
following and just entering the defile and then came
to the head of the column, there was a rush from both
directions towards the centre, and a disorderly battle
began in several places at once. The Thracians were
exposed to slaughter, hampered as they were by the
burden of the booty itself, while many of them were
without arms, in order that they might keep their
hands free to plunder ; the Romans were betrayed
by the unfavourable ground, since the barbarians

137

occursantibus et latentibus interdum per ^ cavas

13 valles prodebat. Ipsa etiam onera plaustraque,
ut fors tulit, his aut illis incommode obiecta pugnanti-
bus impedimento sunt. Alibi praedo alibi praedae

14 vindex cadit. Prout locus iniquus aequusve ^ his
aut illis, prout animus pugnantium est, prout numerus
— alii enim pluribus. quam ipsi erant, alii pauciori-
bus occurrerant — varia fortuna pugnae est; multi

15 utrimque cadunt. lam nox appetebat, cum proelio
excedunt Thraeces, non fuga vulnerum aut mortis,
sed quia satis praedae habebant.

XIJ. Romanorum primum agmen extra saltum
circa templum Bendidium castra loco aperto posuit ;
pars altera ad custodiam impedimentorum medio in

2 saltu, duplici circumdato vallo, mansit. Postero die
prius explorato saltu quam moverent primis se con-

3 iungunt. In eo proelio cum et impedimentorum et
calonum pars et ^ milites aliquot, cum passim toto
prope saltu pugnaretur, cecidissent, plurimum *
Q. Minucii Thermi morte damni ^ est acceptum,

4 fortis ac strenui viri. Eo die ad Hebrum flumen
perventum est. Inde Aeniorum fines praeter
Apollinis Zerynthium quem vocant incolae templum

5 superant. Aliae angustiae circa TempjTa excipiunt
— hoc loco nomen est — nee minus confragosae
quam priores ; sed, quia nihil silvestre circa est, ne

^ per r : et B. - aequusue r : aequusque B.

^ et r : om. B. *■ plurimum r : om. B.

° damni ed. Froheniana 1535 : amissum B~.

^ Livy does not commit himself with regard to this battle.
For the contradictory accounts of it, cf. xlvii. 6-9 with xlix.
7-12 below.

- A native divinity identified with Artemis or with Cj^bele.

138

BOOK XXXVIII. XL. I2-XLI. 5

charged them over famihar paths and sometimes laid b.c. 188
ambushes for them in low-lying valleys. Even the
loads and the wagons, inconveniently placed for one
side or the other, as chance determined, hindered the
fighters. Here the plmiderer fell, there the defender
of the plunder. Just as the terrain was unfavourable
or favourable for one party or the other, just as the
spirits of the fighters varied, just as their numbers —
for some met parties larger than their own and others
smaller — just so the fortune of the battle changed;
many fell on both sides. Night was now at hand when
the Thracians retired from the fight, not to avoid
Mounds or death, but because they had enough of
spoils.^

XLI. The head of the Roman column encamped
outside the defile near the temple of Bendis ^ on open
ground ; the rest remained within the defile to guard
the trains, sheltered by a double rampart. The
following day, having reconnoitred the defile before
they moved, they joined the van. In this battle
there was a loss both of baggage and of camp-
followers and a considerable number of soldiers had
fallen, since there was fighting everywhere along the
whole defile, but the most serious blow received was
the death of Quintus Minucius Thermus, a man of
courage and energy.^ That day they reached the
Hebrus river. Then they crossed the frontiers of
the Aenians near the temple of Apollo, whom the
natives call Zerynthius. Another pass confronted
them near Tempyra — this is the name of the place —
not less rough than the former ; but, because there is
no wooded country around it, it does not furnish

^ He had been consul in 193 B.C. and was one of the ten
commissioners.

6 latebras quidem ad insidiandum praebent. Hue ^
ad eandem spem praedae Thrausi, gens et ipsa
Thraecum, convenere ; sed, quia nudae \alles procul
ut 2 conspicerentur angustias obsidentes efficiebant,
minus terroris tumultusque fuit apud Ronianos ;
quippe etsi iniquo loco, proelio tamen iusto, acie

7 aperta, signis collatis dimicandum erat. Conferti
subeunt et cum clamore impetu facto primum
expulere loco hostes, deinde avertere ; fuga inde
caedesque suis ipsos impedientibus angustiis fieri

8 coepta est. Romani \'ictores ad vicum Maroni-
tarum — Salen appellant — posuerunt castra.^ Pos-
tero die patenti itinere Priaticus campus eos
excepit, triduumque ibi frumentum accipientes
manserunt, partem ex agris Maronitarum, confe-
rentibus ipsis, partem ex navibus suis, quae cum

9 omnis generis commeatu sequebantur. Ab stativis

10 diei via Apolloniam fuit. Hinc per Abderitarum
agrum Neapolim perventum est. Hoc omne per
Graecorum colonias pacatum iter fuit ; reliquum
inde per medios Thraecas dies noctesque, etsi non
infestum, tamen suspectum, donee in Macedoniam

11 pervenerunt. Mitiores Thraecas idem exercitus,
cum a Scipione eadem via duceretur, habuerat,
nullam ob aliam causam quam quod praedae minus

12 quod peteretur fuerat ; quamquam tunc quoque
Claudius auctor est ad quindecim milia Thraecum

^ hue r : hoc B.

2 ut r : om. B.

^ posuerunt castra r : om. B.

^ The modem Ca valla.

- Philip received the credit for this in XXXVII. vii. 16.

140

BOOK XXXVIII. xLi. 5-12

even hiding-places for ambuscades. The Thrausi, b.c. 188
these too being Thracians, assembled here with the
same hope of plunder ; but, since the exposed valleys
brought it about that those who blocked the pass
could be seen from afar, there was less consternation
and confusion among the Romans ; indeed, although on
uneven ground, there was none the less a pitched battle
to be fought, a regular engagement with battle-lines
open to view. They moved forward in close array,
and charging with a shout they first dislodged the
enemy and then broke their line ; then flight and
slaughter began to take place, since the enemy
were entangled in the narrow pass which they had
themselves selected. The victorious Romans en-
camped near a village of the Maroneans — they call it
Sale. The next day, marching in open country, the
Priatic plain received them, and they spent three days
there collecting grain, partly from the fields of the
Maroneans, brought in by the people themselves,
partly from their o\vn ships, which were following
with all manner of supplies. From this station it was
a day's march to Apollonia. Thence they came
through the country of the Abderites to Neapolis.^
All this journey was peaceful, amid the colonies of
Greeks ; the rest from there on, through the midst of
the Thracians, while not dangerous, yet required
vigilance by day and night until they arrived in
Macedonia. The same army, led over the same route
by Scipio, had found the Thracians more peacefully
inclined, for no other reason than that there was less
of booty to be sought ; ^ and yet Claudius ^ asserts
that even then about fifteen thousand Thracians en-

^ Perhaps Livy had not read the account of Claudius
when he wrote XXXVII. vii. 16 and xxxiii.

141

LIVY

praecedenti ad exploranda loca agmen Muttini
Xuniidae occurrisse. Quadringentos equites fuisse

13 NumidaSj paucos elephantos ; Muttinis filium per
medios hostes cum centum quinquaginta ^ delectis
equitibus ^ perrupisse ; eundem mox, cum iam
Muttines in medio elephantis locatis, in cornua
equitibus dispositis manum cum hoste conseruisset,

14 terror em ab tergo praebuisse, atque inde turbatos
equestri velut procella hostes ad peditum agmen non

15 accessisse. Cn. Manlius per Macedoniam in Thessa-
liam exercitum traduxit. Inde per Epirum Apollo-
niam cum pervenisset, nondum adeo hiberno con-
tempto mari ut traicere auderet, ApoUoniae hi-
berna\'it.

XLII. Exitu prope anni M. ^'alerius consul ex
Liguribus ad magistratus subrogandos Romam venit
nulla memorabili in provincia gesta re, ut ea proba-
bilis morae causa esset quod solito serius ad comitia

2 venisset. Comitia consulibus rogandis fuerunt a. d.^
XII. Kal. Martias ; creati M. Aemilius Lepidus C.

3 Flaminius. Postero die praetores facti Ap. Claudius

4 Pulcher Ser. Sulpicius Galba Q. Terentius Culleo
L. Terentius Massiliota Q. Fulvius Flaccus M.

5 Furius Crassipes. Comitiis perfectis ^ quas pro-
vincias praetoribus esse placeret retulit ad senatum
consul. Decreverunt duas Romae iuris dicendi

^ quinquaginta T: om. B.

- equitibus edd. vett. : peditibus Br.

^ diem r : om. B.

* perfectis r : persecutis B.

142

BOOK XXXVIII. xLi. I2-XLII. 5

countered Muttines the Numidian who was pre- 1
ceding the column to reconnoitre. He says that there
were four hundred Numidian cavalry with a few ele-
phants ; that the son of Muttines with a hundred and
fifty picked troopers broke through the centre of the
enemy ; and that a little later, when Muttines, having
placed the elephants in the centre and stationed the
cavalry on the flanks, had closed with the enemy,
this same son had caused panic by an attack in the
rear, and that the enemy, thrown into confusion by
this cavalry-storm, so to speak, had not reached the
column of the infantry. Gnaeus Manlius led the
army through Macedonia into Thrace. When he had
proceeded from there through Epirus to Apollonia,
not yet holding the wintry sea in such light esteem
that he dared to cross it, he passed the winter in
Apollonia.

XLII. At almost the end of this year the consul
Marcus Valerius came from the Ligurians to Rome to
hold the elections of magistrates, having done
nothing in the province so worthy of note that it
could be a plausible reason for delay, to cause him
to arrive later than usual for the elections. The
election of consuls took place on the twelfth day
before the Kalends of March ; the successful can-
didates were Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Gains
Flaminius. The next day the praetors were chosen,
Appius Claudius Pulcher, Servius Sulpicius Galba,
Quintus Terentius Culleo, Lucius Terentius Massi-
liota, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, Marcus Furius
Crassipes. Having finished the elections, the consul
referred to the senate the question as to which pro-
vinces they desired to assign to the praetors. They
decreed that two should be stationed in Rome to

143

LR-Y

causa, duas extra Italiam, Siciliam ac Sardiniam, duas

6 in Italia, Tarentum et Galliam : et extemplo, prius-
quam inirent magistratum, sortiri iussi. Ser. Sulpi-
cius urbanam, Q. Terentius peregrinam est sortitus,
L. Terentius Siciliam, Q. Fulvius Sardiniam, Ap.
Claudius Tarentum, M. Furius Galliam,

7 Eo anno L. Minucius Myrtilus et L. Manlius,
quod legatos Carthaginienses pulsasse dicebantur,
iussu M. Claudii praetoris urbani ^ per fetiales
traditi sunt legatis et Carthaginem avecti.

8 In Liguribus magni belli et gliscentis in dies
magis fama erat. Itaque consulibus no vis, quo die
de provinciis et de re publica retulerunt, senatus

9 utrisque Ligures pro^inciam decre\-it. Huic senatus
consulto Lepidus consul intercedebat, indignum esse
praedicans consules ambos in valles Ligurum includi,

li» M. Fulvium et Cn. Manlium biennium iam, alterum
in Europa, alterum in Asia, velut pro Philippe atque
Antiocho substitutes regnare. Si exercitus in his
terris esse placeat, consules iis potius quam privates

11 praeesse oportere. Vagari eos cum belli terrore per
nationes, quibus bellum indictum non sit, pacem

^ urbani r : urbis B.

^ The whole procedure is irregular, probably because the
elections were held less than a month before the inauguration.

- Claudius probably acted under instructions from the
senate. Valerius Maximus (VI. vi. .3), who cites this incident
as an example of publica fides, dates it a year later.

3 Lepidus raises an important constitutional question,
not to be easily answered, whether a magistrate could hold
his imperium indefinitely, i.e. until he was relieved. The
imperiurn of Fulvius and Manlius had been prorogued foj
one year (xxxv. 3 above), and this period was now at an end.
Another question which he raises is whether a proconsul

144

BOOK XXXVIII. xLii. 5-1 1

administer justice, two outside Italy, in Sicily and b.c. 188
Sardinia, and t^vo in Italy, at Tarentum and in Gaul ; ^
and they were ordered to cast lots at once, before
they were inaugurated. Servius Sulpicius received
the civil jurisdiction, Quintus Terentius that between
citizens and aliens, Lucius Terentius Sicily, Quintus
Fulvius Sardinia, Appius Claudius Tarentum, Marcus
Furius Gaul.

In that year I^ucius Minucius Myrtilus and Lucius
Manlius, because they were said to have beaten f
Carthaginian ambassadors, by order of Marcus
Claudius, the city praetor, were delivered by the
fetials to ambassadors and taken to Carthage. ^

There was the rumour of a great war, growing more b.c. 187
dangerous every day, among the Ligurians. So,
on the day when the new consuls laid before the
senate the question of the provinces and the general
policy, the senate decreed to both consuls the
Ligurians as their province. To this decree of the
senate the consul Lepidus objected, declaring that it
was improper that both the consuls should be shut up
in the valleys of the Ligurians while Marcus Fulvius
and Gnaeus Manlius for two years now^, the one in
Europe, the other in Asia, were lording it as if they
were the successors to Philip and Antiochus. If it
were the senate's pleasure that there should be armies
in those lands, consuls rather than private citizens ^
should command them. These men were wandering
about, carrying the threat of war to nations upon
whom no war had been declared, selling peace for a

was technically a privatus in the sense that Scipio, for example,
was privatus cum imperio in Spain. Unfortunately, Lepidus
is too much influenced by his feud with Fulvius to be a good
witness on either point.

145
VOL. XI. L

LR'Y

pretio venditantes. Si eas provincias exercitibus
obtinere opus esset, sicut M'. Acilio L. Scipio consul,
L. Scipioni M. Fulvius et Cn. Manlius successissent

12 consules, ita Fulvio Manlioque C. Livium et M.
Valerium consules debuisse succedere. Nunc certe,
perfecto Aetolico bello, recepta ab Antiocho Asia,
de\'ictis Gallis, aut consules ad exercitus consulares
mitti aut reportari legiones inde reddique tandem rei

13 publicae debere. Senatus his auditis in sententia
perseveravit ut consulibus ambobus Ligures provincia
esset ; Manlium FuMumque decedere de provinciis
et exercitus inde deducere ^ ac redire Romam
placuit.

XLIII. Inimicitiae inter M. Fulvium et M. Ae-
milium consulem erant, et super cetera Aemilius
serius biennio se consulem factum M. Fuh-ii opera

2 ducebat. Itaque ad invidiam ei faciendam legatos
Ambracienses in senatum subornatos criminibus
introduxit, qui sibi, cum in pace essent imperataque
prioribus consulibus fecissent et eadem oboedienter

3 praestare M. Fulvio parati essent, bellum illatum
questi, agros primum ^ depopulatos, terrorem direp-

^ de — deducere r : om. B. ^ primum r : om. B.

1 Manlius, rather than Fulvius, was guilty of this conduct,
and the narrative of the Galatian campaign (xii-xxvii above;
see also the notes, passim) gives altogether too much support
to these charges. They were elaborated by Furius and
Aemilius Paulus in chaps, xlv-xlvi below.

2 Fulvius had presided at the election of his own colleague
in the peculiar election for 189 B.C. (XXXVII. xlvii. 7) and
at the election for 188 B.C. (xxxv. 1 above), and on both

146

BOOK XXXVIII. xLii. ii-xLiii. 3

price. ^ If it was necessary, he continued, to hold
these provinces with troops, just as the consul
Lucius Scipio had succeeded Manius Acilius and had
in turn been superseded by the consuls Marcus
Fulvius and Gnaeus Manlius, so Fulvius and Manlius
should have been replaced by the consuls Gains
Livius and Marcus Valerius. Now, at. any rate,
when the Aetolian war was finished, when Asia was
rescued from Antiochus, when the Gauls were con-
quered, either consuls should be sent to command
consular armies or the legions should be recalled
from there and at length restored to the state. After
hearing this the senate persisted in its decision that
both consuls should have the Ligurians as their
province ; it was voted that Manlius and Fulvius
should retire from their provinces and withdraw their
armies from them and return to Rome.

XLIII. There was a feud between Marcus Fulvius
and the consul Marcus Aemilius, and, in addition to
everything else, Aemilius considered that it was due
to the efforts of Marcus Fulvius that he himself had
reached the consulship two years late.^ Therefore,
with a view to making Fulvius unpopular, he intro-
duced to the senate ambassadors of the Ambraciots,
previously coached as to their charges, who were to
complain that, while they were at peace and had
performed the orders of the previous consuls and were
ready to render the same obedience to Marcus
Fulvius, war had been declared on them, and first
their fields had been laid waste and fear of plunder

occasions Aemilius was defeated. He had then some reason
for blaming Fulvius particularly for his failures. However,
the interval between his praetorship (191 b.c.) and his consul-
ship was not unusually long for this period.

147

l2

LIVY

tionis et caedis urbi iniectum, ut eo metu claudere

4 cogerentur portas ; obsessos deinde et oppucrnatos se
et omnia exempla belli edita ^ in se caedibus incendiis
ruinis direptione urbis, coniuges liberos in servitium

5 abstractos. bona adempta. et, quod se ante omnia
moveat, templa tota urbe spoliata ornamentis ; simu-
lacra deum, deos immo ipsos, convulsos ex sedibus suis
ablatos esse ; parietes postesque nudatos quos ado-
rent, ad quos precentur et supplicent, Ambraciensi-

6 bus superesse : haec querentes interrogando criminose
ex composito consul ad plura velut non sua sponte

7 dicenda eliciebat. Motis patribus alter consul C.
Flaminius M. Fuhii causam excepit, qui veterem

8 ^iam et obsoletam ingressos Ambracienses dixit ; sic
M. Marcellum ab Syracusanis, sic Q. FuMum a
Campanis accusatos. Quin eadem opera T. Quinc-
tium a Philippo rege, M'. Acilium et L. Scipionem
ab Antiocho, Cn. Manlium a Gallis, ipsum M.
Fulvium ab Aetolis et Cephallaniae populis accusari

9paterentur? " Ambraciam oppugnatam et cap-

tam et signa inde ornamentaque ablata et cetera

facta quae captis urbibus soleant, negaturum aut

me pro M. Fulvio aut ipsum M. Fulvium censetis,

10 patres conscript!, qui ob has res gestas - triumphum

^ edita ed. Parisina 1513 : habita B7 .
2 res gestas r : gestas res B.

1 Cf. XXVI. XXX. 12.
148

BOOK XXXVIII. xLiii. 3-IO

and slaughter held before the city, so that they were b.c. li
compelled by that fear to close their gates ; that
then they were beleaguered and besieged and
that every form of war had been waged against
them — slaughter, fires, destruction, plunder of the
city ; that their wives and children had been carried
off into slavery, their property taken from them, and,
what disturbed them most of all, the temples through-
out the city had been stripped of their ornaments ;
the images of the gods, or rather the gods themselves,
had been torn from their seats and carried away ;
bare walls and door-posts, they said, had been left
to the Ambracians to adore, to pray to, and to suppli-
cate : as they made these complaints the consul,
asking leading questions as they had agreed, drew
them on, as if against their will, to say even more.
When the Fathers were aroused, the other consul,
Gaius Flaminius, took up the cause of Marcus
Fulvius, saying that the Ambraciots were following
an old and long-abandoned path ; thus Marcus
Marcellus had been accused by the Syracusans, thus
Quintus Fulvius by the Campanians,^ Nay, would
they permit similar accusations to be brought against
Titus Quinctius by King Philip, against Manius
Acilius and Lucius Scipio by Antiochus, against
Gnaeus Manlius by the Gauls and even against
Marcus Fulvius by the Aetolians and the peoples of
Cephallania ? "That Ambracia w^as besieged and
captured and that its statues and works of art were
removed from there and that other things were done
which are usually done when cities are captured, do
you think that either I on behalf of Marcus Fulvius
or Marcus Fulvius on his own behalf will deny, con-
script Fathers, since for these achievements he will

149

a vobis postulaturus sit,^ Ambraciam captam signaque

quae ablata criminantur, et cetera spolia eius urbis

ante currum laturus et fixurus in postibus suis ?

] 1 Nihil est quod se ab Aetolis separent ; eadem Ambra-

12 ciensium et Aetolorum causa est. Itaque collega
meus vel in alia causa inimicitias exerceat vel, si in
hac utique ^ raavult, retineat Ambracienses suos in

13 adventum M. FuMi ; ego nee de Ambraciensibus ^
nee de Aetolis decerni quicquam absente M. Fulvio
patiar."

XLR'. Cum Aemilius callidam malitiam inimici
velut notam omnibus insimularet et tempus eum
morando extracturum diceret. ne consule inimico
Romam veniret. certamine consulum biduum ab-

2 sumptum "* est ; nee praesente Flaminio decerni quic-

3 quam videbatur posse. Captata occasio est, cum
aeger forte Flaminius abesset, et referente Aemilio

4 senatus consultiun factum est ut Ambraciensibus
suae res omnes redderentur ; in libertate essent ac
legibus suis uterentur ; portoria quae ^ vellent terra
marique caperent, dum eorum immunes Romani

5 ac socii nominis Latini essent ; signa aliaque orna-
menta, quae quererentur ex aedibus sacris sublata
esse, de iis, cum M. Fulvius Romam revertisset, pla-
cere ad collegium pontificum referri, et quod ii cen-

6 suissent fieri. Xeque his contentus consul fuit, sed

^ postulaturus sit r : postulet B.

2 utique r ; om. B.

^ ambraciensibus r : ambracienses B.

* absumptum r : assumptum B.

^ portoria quae ed. Parisina 1513 : portari ea quae B~.

^ i.e. a representation of the captured city.
1^0

BOOK XXXVIII. xLiii. lo-xLiv. 6

claim from you a triumph, the captured Ambracia^
and the statues which they accuse him of removing
and the other spoils of that city will be carried before
his chariot and fixed to his door-posts ? There is no
respect in which they can separate themselves from
the Aetolians ; the situation of Ambraciots and
Aetolians is identical. Let my colleague, then, either
expend his malice in some other case or, if he prefers
to do so in this matter especially, let him keep his
Ambraciots here until the arrival of Marcus Fulvius ;
I shall permit no decree to be passed concerning
either the Ambraciots or the Aetolians in the absence
of Marcus Fulvius."

XLI\^ While Aemilius was thus assailing the
shrewd hostility of his enemy as if known to all, and
was claiming that Fulvius would drag out the time by
delaying, that he might not come to Rome while his
foe was consul, two days were wasted by the bickering
of the consuls ; and it seemed that no decree could be
passed while Flaminius was present. Aemilius took
advantage of an opportunity when Flaminius was
kept away by illness, and on his motion the senate
passed a decree that the Ambraciots should recover
all their property ; that they should be free and
should enjoy their own laws ; that they should collect
port duties at their pleasure, by land and sea, pro-
vided that the Romans and the allies of the Latin
confederacy should be exempt from paying them ;
that as to the statues and other works of art which
they complained had been taken from their sacred
shrines, when Marcus Fulvius had returned to Rome,
the question concerning them should be referred to
the college of pontiffs, and that whatever they should
have ordered should be done. The consul was not

LIVY

postea per infrequentiam adiecit senatus consultum,
Ambraciam \i. captam esse non \-ideri.

7 Supplicatio inde ex decem\-irorum decreto pro
valetudine populi per triduum fuit, quia gravis pesti-

8 lentia urbem atque agros vastabat. Latinae inde
fuerunt. Quibus religionibus liberati consules et di-
lectu perfecto — novis enim uterque maluit uti mili-
tibus — in provinciam profecti sunt, veteresque omnes
dimiserunt.

9 Post consulum profectionem Cn. Manlius pro-
consul Romam venit ; cui cum ab Ser. Sulpicio prae-

10 tore senatus ad aedem Bellonae datus esset, et ipse
commemoratis rebus ab se gestis postulasset ut ob
eas diis immortalibus honos haberetur sibique tri-
ll umphanti urbem invehi liceret, contradixerunt pars
maior decem legatorum qui cum eo fuerant, et ante
alios L. Furius Purpurio et L. Aemilius Paulus.

XLV. Legates sese Cn. Manlio datos pacis cum
Antiocho faciendae causa foederisque legum quae
cum L. Scipione inchoatae fuissent perficiendarum.
2 Cn. Manlium summa ope tetendisse ut eam pacem
turbaret, et Antiochum, si sui potestatem fecisset,
insidiis exciperet ; sed ilium cognita fraude consulis,
cum saepe colloquiis petitis captatus esset, non

^ This last charge has some substantiation (cf. ix. 9 above),
and one wonders why it was not pressed. Cato emphasized
it in his attacks on Fulvius (Gellius, V. vi. 25; Meyer, pp.
52-53). If it was true, the action of Fulvius was illegal.

2 The commissioners could have had relations with Manlius
only because he had succeeded to the tasks left unfinished
by Scipio. According to xxxvii. 11 above they did not reach
Asia until after the Galatian campaign was concluded, and
they could have had no militarT,^ duties as legati except on
the return, although Manlius speaks of them as eye-witnesses
of his victory (xlvii. 4 below).

BOOK XXXVIII. xLiv. 6-xLv. 2

satisfied with this, but later, in a sparsely attended
meeting, added a decree of the senate, to the effect
that it did not appear that Ambracia had been
captured by force. ^

Then a three-day period of prayer was proclaimed
in accordance with a decree of the decemvirs for the
health of the people, because a severe pestilence was
wasting the City and the country districts. Next the
Latin Festival was held. The consuls, released by
these ceremonies and having finished the levy — for
each of them preferred to employ new soldiers —
departed to the province and discharged all the
veterans.

After the departure of the consuls, Gnaeus Manlius
the proconsul arrived in Rome ; when an audience
before the senate in the temple of Bellona had been
granted him by the praetor Servius Sulpicius and he,
after relating his exploits, had demanded that on
account of them honour should be paid to the
immortal gods and that he should be permitted to ride
into the City in triumph, the majority of the ten
commissioners who had been with him opposed it,
and, beyond the rest, Lucius Furius Purpurio and
Lucius Aemilius Paulus.

XLV. They said that the commissioners had been
assigned to Gnaeus Manlius ^ for the purpose of
making peace with Antiochus and of putting into final
form the terms of the treaty which had been initiated
by Lucius Scipio. Gnaeus Manlius, they said, had
striven with all his might to break the peace and to
take Antiochus by treachery, if the king should have
given him any opportunity to do so ; but he, being
aware of the deceitfulness of the consul, although
often approached with requests for conferences, had

153

/C

congressum modo sed conspectum etiam eius

:j vitasse. Cupientem transire Taurum aegre omnium

legatorum precibus, ne carminibus Sibyllae prae-

dictam superantibus terminos fatales cladem experiri

vellet, retentum admosse tamen exercitum et prope

in ipsis ^ iugis ad divortia aquarum castra posuisse.

4 Cum ibi nullam belli causam inveniret quiescentibus

regiis, circumegisse ^ exercitum ad Gallograecos ;

0 cui nationi non ex senatus auctoritate, non populi

iussu ^ bellum illatum. Quod quem umquam de sua

sententia facere * ausum ? Antiochi Philippi Hanni-

6 balis et Poenorum recentissima bella esse ; de omni-
bus his consultum senatum, populum iussisse,^ per ^
legatos ante res repetitas, postremo qui bellum indi-

7 Cerent, missos. " Quid" eorum. Cn. Manli, factum est,
ut istud publicum populi Romani bellum et non tuum

8 privatum latrocinium ducamus ? At eo ^ ipso conten-
tus fuisti. recto itinere exercitum duxisti ad eos, quos

9 tibi hostes desumpseras ; an per omnes amfractus
viarum, cum ad bivia ^ consisteres ut, quo flexisset

^ in ipsis Madvig : ipsis Br.

2 circumegisse r : circuiniecisse B.

^ iussu r : iussum B.

* facere r : om. B.

^ iussisse j : fuisse B.

•^ per Madvig : saepe Br.

' quid r : quod B.

® at eo ed. Frobeniana 1535 : adeo B'.

^ ad bivia ed. Frobeniana 1535 : auia B : uia r.

^ There seems to be no basis for either charge in the pre-
ceding narrative of Liv}% but this may be due to his selection
of sources.

- This may explain the rather aimless invasion of Pamphylia
mentioned in xv. 5-6 above.

154

BOOK XXXVIII. xLv. 2-9

avoided, not merely a meeting with him, but even the b.(
sight of him.i Manhus, they said, when he desired
to cross the Taurus ,2 had Avith difficulty been held back
by the pleas of all his lieutenants from trying to test
the prediction of ruin found in the verses of the
Sibyl ^ for those who crossed the fateful boundaries,
but, none the less, had moved up the army and
encamped near by on the very crest at the parting of
the waters. Finding no pretext for war there, the
king's forces remaining passive, he led the army
around against the Galatians, a people against whom
war had not been declared by the authority of the
senate or the vote of the assembly.* Who, they asked,
had ever ventured to do this on his own motion ?
The most recent wars were those with Antiochus,
Philip, Hannibal and the Carthaginians ; in all these
cases the senate had passed decrees, the assembly had
voted, restitution had previously been demanded by
ambassadors, finally, delegates had been sent to
declare war.^ " Which of these things was done,
Gnaeus Manlius, so that we can consider this a public
war of the Roman people and not a private piratical
expedition of your own? Were you even content
with that and did you lead your army directly against
those whom you had picked out to be your enemies ?
Or, moving by all the roundabout ways, stopping at

3 There seems to be no other allusion to this prophecy,
but there may have been many such oracles in independent
circulation and attributed to the Sibyl to increase their
authority.

* The senate had foreseen the probability of a war with
the Gauls (XXXVII. li. 10), but there is no record of a formal
declaration of war or of the performance of the ceremonial
acts mentioned in sect. 6 below.

^ The speaker is describing the formal fetial procedure.

agmen Attalus, Eumenis frater, eo consul mercen-
narius cum exercitu Romano sequereris, Pisidiae
Lycaoniaeque et Phrygiae recessus omnes atque
angulos peragrasti, stipem ab tyrannis castellanisque
de\'iis colligens ? Quid enim tibi cum Oroandis ?
Quid cum aliis aeque innoxiis populi^ ?

10 " Bellum autem ipsum, cuius nomine triumphum
petis, quo modo gessisti ? Loco aequo, tempore tuo

1 1 pugnasti r Tu vero recte ut diis immortalibus honos
habeatur postulas. primum quod pro temeritate
imperatoris, nullo gentium iure bellum inferentis,
poenas lucre exercitum noluerunt ; deinde quod
beluas, non hostes nobis obiecerunt.

XL^'I. " Nolite nomen tantum existimare mix-
tum ^ esse Gallograecorum ; multo ante et corpora

2 et animi mixti ac \dtiati sunt. An si illi Galli essent.
cum ^ quibus milieus vario eventu in Italia pug-
natum est, quantum in imperatore nostro fuit.

3 nuntius illinc ^ redisset ? ^ Bis cum iis pugnatum
est, bis loco iniquo subiit, in valle inferiore pedibus
paene hostium aciem subiecit. Ut non tela ex
superiore loco mitterent, sed corpora sua nuda

4 inicerent, obruere nos ^ potuerunt. Quid igitur
incidit ? ^ Magna fortuna populi Romani est,
magnum et terribile nomen. Recenti ruina Hannibalis

^ mixtum r : om. B.
2 cum r : om. B.

^ nuntius illinc r : om., spat, rel., B.
* redisset r : credidisset B.
° nos r : non B.

^ incidit r : inci [sic) B, post quod uocabulum subsidio
huiu.9 codicis omnino carem-us.

156

BOOK XXXVIII. XLV. 9-xLvi. 4

every cross-road, that, wherever Attalus, the brother b.c. 187
of Eumenes, turned his course, there you, a money-
seeking consul, might follow with a Roman army,
did you travel over all the nooks and corners of
Pisidia and Lycaonia and Phrygia, exacting tribute
from tyrants and commanders of out-of-the-way
fortresses ? What business did you have with the
people of Oroanda ? What with other equally inno-
cent peoples ?

" But the war proper, on account of which you ask a
triumph, how did you conduct it ? Did you fight on
favourable ground, at a time selected by you ?
Rightly in truth do you demand that honour be paid
to the immortal gods, first, because they refused to
exact the penalty from the army for the rashness of
the commander, who was waging war under no law of
nations ; second, because they confronted us with
dumb animals, not enemies.

XLVI. " Do not think that only the name of the
Gallogrecians is a mixture ; long since both their
bodies and their minds have been mixed and cor-
rupted. Or if they were Gauls, with whom we have
fought a thousand times in Italy with varying results,
so far as the issue depended on our commander,
would even a messenger have come back from there ?
Twice he engaged in battle with them, twice he
attacked over unfavourable ground and placed his
battle-line in a valley below the enemy and almost
at their feet. Without hurling a weapon from their
higher position, and merely flinging their naked
bodies down, they could have overwhelmed us.
What happened then ? Great is the fortune of the
Roman people, great and terrible is its name. By
the recent overthrow of Hannibal, Philip, Antiochus,

157

LR-Y

Philippi Antiochi prope attoniti ^ erant. Tantae
corporum moles fundis sagittisque in fugam con-
sternatae sunt ; gladius in acie cruentatus non est

5 Gallico bello ; velut avium examina ad crepitum

6 primum missilium avolavere. At hercule iidem
nos — monente fortuna quid, si hostem habuissemus,
easurum fuisset — cum redeuntes in latrunculos
Thraecas incidissemus, caesi, fugati, exuti impedi-

7 mentis sumus. Q. Minucius Themius, in quo baud
paulo plus damni factum est quam si Cn. Manlius,
cuius temeritate ea clades inciderat, perisset, cum

8 multis viris fortibus cecidit ; exercitus spolia regis
Antiochi referens trifariam dissipatus, alibi primum,
alibi postremum agmen, alibi impedimenta, inter
vepres in latebris ferarum noctem unam delituit.

9 Pro his triumphus petitur r Si nihil in Thraecia cladis
ignominiaeque foret acceptum, de quibus hostibus
triumphum peteres ? De iis, ut opinor, quos tibi

10 hostes senatus aut populus Romanus dedisset. Sic
huic L. Scipioni, sic illi M'. Acilio de rege Antiocho,
sic paulo ante T. Quinctio de rege Philippo, sic P.
Africano de Hannibale et Poenis et Syphace triumphus

11 datus. Et minima ilia, cum iam senatus censuisset
bellum,- quaesita tamen sunt, quibus nuntiandum
esset: ipsis utique regibus nuntiaretur, an satis
esset ad praesidium aliquod nuntiari? Vultis ergo

^ attoniti r : attonitae M.

2 bellum ed. Frobeniana 1535 : bella r.

^ The speaker contrasts the scrupulous care devoted to the
fetial ritual, even in recent times (cf. XXXVI. iii. 9), with the
omission thereof in this instance, since there had been no
formal declaration of war.

BOOK XXXVIII. XLvi. 4-1 T

they were well-nigh thunderstruck. Bodies of such b.c. 187
huge size were thrown into panic by sling-bullets
and arrows ; no sword was made bloody in combat in
the Gallic war ; like flocks of birds they flew away
at the first whizzing of the missiles. But, by Her-
cules, we, the same Romans — Fortune reminding us
what would have happened if we had had an enemy
— when on our return we had fallen in with the
Thracian brigands, were slaughtered, put to flight,
robbed of our baggage. Quintus Minucius Thermus,
in whose death we suffered a far greater loss than if
Gnaeus Manlius, through whose rashness this defeat
had come about, had fallen, was killed along with many
brave men ; the army which was bringing back the
spoils of King Antiochus, scattered in three sections,
the van in one place, the rear in another, the trains
in a third, spent one night skulking in the lairs of
beasts among the thickets. For such deeds is a
triumph sought ? If there had been no calamity
and disgrace suffered in Thrace, over what foes would
you seek a triumph ? Over those, I suppose, whom
the senate or the Roman people had assigned to you
as enemies. This is how triumphs were granted
to Lucius Scipio here and Manius Acilius yonder
over King Antiochus, to Titus Quinctius not long ago
over King Philip, to Publius Africanus over Hannibal
and the Carthaginians and Syphax. And even after
the senate had already voted for the war, the most
unimportant matters none the less were inquired
into to determine to whom it should be announced :
should the declaration be given in any case to the
kings themselves, or was it sufficient that the
declaration be delivered at some mihtary post ? ^
Do you wish all these formalities to be violated and

159

haec omnia pollui et confundi, tolli fetialia iura,

12 nullos esse fetiales ? Fiat, pace deum dixerim,
iactura religionis ; obli\'io deorum capiat pectora
vestra ; num senatum quoque de bello consuli non

13 placet? Non ad populuni ferri velint iubeantne cum
U Gallis bellum geri ? Modo certe consules Graeciam

atque Asiam volebant; tamen perseverantibus
vobis Ligures pro\inciam decernere dicto audientes
15 fuerunt. Merito ergo a vobis prospere bello gesto
triumphum petent, quibus auctoribus gesserunt."

XL\'II. Talis oratio Furii et Aemilii fuit. Man-
lium in hunc maxime modum respondisse accepi :
" Tribuni plebis antea solebant triumphum postu-

2 lantibus adversari, patres conscripti ; quibus ego
gratiam habeo quod seu mihi seu magnitudini rerum
gestarum hoc dederunt. ut non solum silentio com-
probarent honorem meum, sed referre etiam si opus

3 esset \'iderentur parati esse ; ^ ex decem legatis, si
diis placet, quod consilium dispensandae cohones-
tandaeque ^ \-ictoriae imperatoribus maiores dederunt

4 nostri, adversarios habeo. L. Furius et L. Aemilius
currum triumphalem me conscendere prohibent,
coronam insignem capiti detrahunt, quos ego. si
tribuni triumphare me prohiberent, testes citaturus

5 fui rerum a me gestarum. Nullius equidem in video
honori, patres conscripti ; ^ vos * tribunos plebei

^ esset vid. par. esse ed,. Frobeniana 1535 : esse uid. par.
assent r.

2 cohonestandaeque edd. vett. : honestandaeque r.

^ patres conscripti (p. c.) ed. Frobenianu 1535 : om. r.

* uos r : post M.

^ Li%y may have used a speech by one or the other of the
two — there is no way to determine which — as the basis for
his version of the dispute.

l6o

BOOK XXXVIII. xLvi. ii-xLvii. 5

thrown into confusion, the fetial laws to be done i
away with and the fetials themselves abolished?
Let there be (may I speak without offence to the
gods) neglect of religious observances, let forgetful-
ness of the gods take possession of your hearts — is it
your will that the senate should not be consulted
about war ? Or the motion put to the people
whether they ' wish and order ' war to be waged
with the Gauls ? Not long ago the consuls certainly
wished for Greece and Asia ; yet when you persisted
in decreeing them the Ligurians as their province
they obeyed. Justly, therefore, when they have
waged successful war, will they ask a triumph from
you by whose authority they have waged it."

XLVII. Such was the argument of Furius and
Aemilius.i Manlius, I have heard, replied in about
the following manner : "It was formerly the custom,
conscript Fathers, that tribunes of the people should
oppose candidates for triumphs ; in this case I am
grateful to them because they have conceded this
much, whether to me or to the greatness of my
achievements — that they do not merely by their
silence approve my distinction but even seem ready
to propose it if necessary; it is among the ten
commissioners (heaven help us !), a council which
our ancestors created for awarding victory and its
honours to commanders, that I find my opponents.
Lucius Furius and Lucius Aemilius forbid me to
mount the triumphal car, they strip the garland of
victory from my head, these men whom, if the
tribunes were obstructing my triumph, I should
have summoned as witnesses to what I have done.
For my part, conscript Fathers, I grudge no man his
distinction ; when the tribunes of the people, brave

161

VOL. XI. M

LIVY

nuper, viros fortes ac strenuos, impedientes Q.
Fabii Labeonis triiimphuin auctoritate vestra deter-
ruistis ; triuniphavit,. quein non bellum iniustum

6 gessisse. sed hostem omnino non \idisse inimici
iactabant ; ego, qui cum centum milibus ferocis-
simorum hostium signis collatis totiens pugna\'i, qui
plus quadraginta milia hominum cepi aut occidi, qui
bina castra eorum expugna\-i, qui citra iuga Tauri
omnia pacatiora quam terra Italia est reliqui, non

7 triumpho modo fraudor. sed causam apud vos, patres
conscripti, accusantibus meis ipse legatis dico.

8 Duplex eorum, ut animadvertistis, patres conscripti,
accusatio fuit : nam nee gerendum mihi fuisse bellum
cum Gallis, et gestum temere atque imprudenter
dixerunt. ' Non erant Galli hostes, sed tu eos pa-

9 catos imperata facientes violasti.' Non sum postu-
laturus a vobis, patres conscripti, ut quae com-
muniter de inmaanitate gentis Gallorum, de infestis-
simo odio in nomen Romanum scitis, ea de illis
quoque qui Asiam incolunt existimetis Gallis ;

10 remota universae gentis infamia atque invidia per se
ipsos aestimate. Utinam rex Eumenes, utinam
Asiae omnes civitates adessent, et illos potius

11 querente? quam me accusantem audiretis. Mittite
agedum legatos circa omnes Asiae ^ urbes et quaerite,
utra graviori ser\-itute, Antiocho ultra Tauri iuga

^ omnes Asiae ed. Frobeniana 1535 : asiam ad omnes ~.

1 In XXX\T:I. Ix. 6 LixY quoted Valerius Antias as the
authority for this triumph and seemed to have no other
information about it.

162

BOOK XXXVIII. xLvii. 5-1 1

and energetic men, not long ago were opposing the b.c. 187
triumph of Quintus Fabius Labeo,^ you checked
them by your authority ; he triumphed, although his
enemies circulated the story, not that he had waged
an illegal war, but that he had not set eyes on an
enemy at all ; ^ I who have so often fought with a
hundred thousand of the fiercest enemies, who
captured or killed more than forty thousand men,
who took two of their camps, who left everything on
this side of the ridges of Taurus more peaceful than
is the land of Italy, am not only cheated out of my
triumph but am pleading my case before you, con-
script Fathers, with my own lieutenants as my
accusers ! Their charge, as you have observed,
conscript Fathers, is twofold: for they said that I
should not have waged war with the Gauls and that
the war was conducted rashly and heedlessly. ' The
Gauls,' they say, ' were not enemies, but you attacked
them while they were peaceful and obedient to our
orders.' I shall not ask you, conscript Fathers, to
believe about those Gauls also who dwell in Asia
what you know in general about the barbarous
character of the people of the Gauls and their most
deadly hatred of the name of Rome ; setting aside
the ill repute and ill fame of the race as a whole,
judge them by themselves. Would that King
Eumenes were here, would that all the cities of Asia
were here, and that you could hear them complaining
of rather than me accusing the Gauls. Come, send
ambassadors around all the cities of Asia and ask
them whether they were freed from a more grievous
slavery when Antiochus was expelled beyond the

^ In XL. xxxviii. 9 the consuls of 181 b.c. are said to have
been the first to triumph without having done any fighting.

163

M 2

feIVY

12 emoto ^ an Gallis subactis, liberati sint. Quotiens
agri eorum vastati sint, quotiens praedae abactae,
referant."^ cum vix redimendi captivos copia esset,
et mactatas humanas hostias immolatosque liberos

13 suos audirent. Stipendium scitote pependisse socios
vestros Gallis et nunc, liberates per vos regio imperio,
fuisse pensuros, si a me foret cessatum.

XLVIII. " Quo longius Antiochus emotus esset,
hoc impotentius in Asia Galli dominarentur et,
quidquid est terrarum citra Tauri iuga, Gallorum

2 imperio, non vestro adiecissetis. At enim sunt
haec ita vera ; sed ^ etiam Delphos quondam, com-
mune humani generis oraculum, umbilicum orbis
terrarum, Galli spoliaverunt, nee ideo populus

3 Romanus his bellum indixit aut intulit. Equidem
aliquid interesse rebar inter id tempus, quo nondum
in iure ac dicione vestra Graecia atque Asia erat, ad

4 curandum animadvertendumque quid in his terris
fieret, et hoc quo finem imperii Romani Taurum
montem statuistis, quo libertatem, immunitatem
ci\'itatibus datis, quo aUis fines adicitis, alias agro
multatis, aliis ^ vectigal imponitis, regna augetis
minuitis donatis adimitis, curae vestrae censetis

5 esse, ut pacem terra marique habeant. An nisi

1 emoto ed. Frobeniana 1535 : moto r.

2 referant edd. vett. : referam r.

3 sed Madvig : 07n. ~.

* aliis ed. Frobeniana 1535 : am. r.

^ MarJius contrasts his own realistic and his opponents'
legalistic points of view. He then renders the latter absurd
by putting into the moutl'S of his opponents the argument

164

BOOK XXXVIII. xLvii. ii-xLviii. 5

ridges of Taurus or when the Gauls were subdued.
Let them tell you how often their fields were devas-
tated, how often plunder was carried away, when they
had barely the wealth to ransom their captives and
kept hearing of human victims slain and their own
children sacrificed. Know that your own allies had
been paying tribute to the Gauls and even now, when
liberated by you from the king's control, would still
have been paying it if I had failed them.

XL^T1I. " The farther Antiochus should be
removed, the more uncontrollable would be the
rule of the Gauls in Asia, and all the lands on this
side of the ridges of Taurus you would have added
to Gallic territory, not to your own. Grant, if you
will, that what my opponents say is true ; but even
on one occasion,^ Delphi, the common oracle of the
human race, the navel of the world, the Gauls
despoiled, and the Romans did not on that account
declare or wage a war upon them. For my part, I
thought that there was some difference between that
time, when Greece and Asia were not yet under
your control and sway, as regards your interest and
concern in what was happening in those lands, and
this time, when you have fixed the Taurus mountain
as the boundary of the Roman empire, when you
bestow liberty and immunity upon cities, increase
the territory of some, deprive others of their lands,
impose tribute upon others, enlarge, diminish, give,
take away kingdoms, and deem it your responsibility
that they shall have peace on land and sea. Or,

that Rome did not even intervene to protect Delphi in 279 B.C.
(sed efiam introduces a special case ilhistrating the general
line of argument in ista). He refutes this imaginary argument
by pointing out Rome's new position in the world.

165

.c. 181

LIVY

praesidia deduxisset Antiochus, quae quieta in suis
arcibus ^ erant, non putaretis liberatam Asiam ; si
Gallorum exercitus effusi vagarentur, rata dona
vestra, quae dedistis. regi Eumeni, rata libertas

6 civitatibus esset ? Sed quid ego haec ita argumentor,
tamquam non acceperim, sed fecerim hostes Gallos ?

7 Te, L. Scipio, appello, cuius ego mihi, succedens in
vicem imperii tui, \irtuteni felicitatemque pariter
non frustra ab diis immortalibus precatus sum, te,
P. Scipio, qui legati ius, collegae maiestatem et apud
fratrem consulem et apud exercitum habuisti,
sciatisne in exercitu Antiochi Gallorum legiones

8 fuisse, videritis in acie eos, in cornu utroque — id
enim roboris esse videbatur — locatos, pugnaveritis
ut cum hostibus iustis, cecideritis, spolia eorum retu-

9 leritis. Atqai cum Antiocho, non cum Gallis bellum
et 2 senatus decreverat et populus iusserat. Sed
simul, ut opinor, cum his decreverant iusserantque

10 qui intra praesidia eius fuissent ; ex quibus praeter
Antiochum, cum quo pacem pepigerat Scipio, et
cum quo nominatim foedus ut fieret mandaveratis,
omnes hostes erant, qui pro Antiocho arma adversus

] 1 nos tulerunt. In qua causa cum Galli ante omnes

^ arcibus ed. Frobf.niaJia 1535 : partibus r.
2 et r : om. M.

^ !Manlius omits, as damaging to his argument, the fact
that some, at least, of these Gauls were mercenaries (XXXVII.
xviii. 7),

2 The phrase is curiously used. In XXXVII. xl. 3 the
phalanx is called the strongest part of the army, and the
meaning here may be simply that the Gauls were more valuable
on the flanks than in the centre.

^ The line of argument, not entirely free from fallacy, is
briefly this : Rome had declared war on Antiochus and would
have included his allies had she knoA;\'n in advance who they
i66

BOOK XXXVIII. xLVTii. 5-1 1

supposing that Antiochus had not withdrawn his b.c. 187
garrisons, which remained peacefully in their citadels,
would you consider that Asia had not been set free ;
but, on the other hand, should the armies of the
Gauls be wandering at will, would these gifts which
you have presented to King Eumenes have been
assured, would liberty have been assured to the
cities ? But why do I argue as if I had made the
Gauls our enemies, not found them so ? I appeal to
you, Lucius Scipio (and when I succeeded to your
authority I prayed to the immortal gods, and not in
vain, for your valour and good fortune), to you,
Publius Scipio, who had the rank of lieutenant but the
authority of a colleague both with your brother the
consul and with the army, to say whether you know
that in the army of Antiochus there were legions of
Gauls ,^ whether you saw them in the line of battle,
stationed on both flanks — for this was their strength,
as it seemed^ — whether you fought with them as with
lawful enemies, slew them, and carried off their
spoils. But yet, they say, it was with Antiochus
and not with the Gauls that both the senate had
decreed and the assembly had ordered war. But
at the same time, in my judgment, they had decreed
and ordered war with those who were within his
ranks ; of those, with the exception of Antiochus,
with whom Scipio had contracted a peace and with
whom you had expressly ordered that a treaty be
made, all were enemies who bore arms against us
in the cause of Antiochus.^ Although the Gauls

would be; peace had been made with Antiochus but not
with the allies, upon whom war had not been formally de-
clared; Manlius, on succeeding Scipio, had inherited any
unfinished business and therefore needed no new or specific
declaration of war upon such allies.

167

fuissent et reguli quidam et t}T*anni, ego tamen et
cum aliis, pro dignitate imperii vestri coactis luere
peccata sua, pacem pepigi, et Gallorum animos si

12 possent mitigari a feritate insita temptavi et, post-
quam indomitos atque implaeabiles cernebam., turn
demum vi atque armis coercendos ratus sum.

13 " Nunc, quoniam suscepti belli purgatum est cri-
men, gesti reddenda est ratio. In quo confiderem
equidem causae meae, etiam si non apud Romanum
sed apud Carthaginiensem senatum agerem, ubi in
crucem tolli imperatores dicuntur, si prospero eventu,

14 pravo consilio rem gesserunt ; sed ego in ea ci\'itate,
quae ideo omnibus rebus incipiendis gerendisque
deos adhibet, quia nullius ^ calumniae subicit ea
quae dii comprobaverunt, et in sollemnibus verbis
habet, cum supplicationem aut triumphum de-

15 cernit, ' quod bene ac feliciter rem publicam
administrarit,' si nollem, si grave ac superbum ex-
istimarem virtute gloriari, si pro ^ felicitate mea
exercitusque mei, quod tantam nationem sine ulla

H) militum iactura devicimus, postularem ut diis
immortalibus honos haberetur et ipse triumphans in
Capitolium ascenderem, unde votis rite nuncupatis

^ nullius r : nullus M.
2 si pro Crevier : pro ~.

1 LivA''s narrative does not support this. The statement
is broad enough and vague enough to permit Manlius to say
that all the persons from whom he collected money came
under this category.

- It suffices to compare luendamque pecunia noxam (xxxvii.
3 above).

i68

BOOK XXXVIII. xLviii. 11-16

before all were in this class and certain chiefs and b.c. 187
tyrants,^ nevertheless I both negotiated for peace
with the others, compelling them, in keeping with
the dignity of your empire, to atone for their sins ,2
and tried the sentiments of the Gauls, in the hope
that perhaps their native fierceness could be soft-
ened, and, after I saw that they were untamed and
intractable, then at length I decided that I must
restrain them by force of arms.

" Now, since I have answered the charge that I
initiated the w^ar, I must render account for its
conduct. In this I for my part should trust my own
cause even if I were pleading, not before the Roman,
but before the Carthaginian senate, where com-
manders are said to be crucified if they have con-
ducted a campaign with successful result but defective
policy;^ but in this state, which, in initiating and
carrying out every action, calls upon the gods, for
the reason that it exposes to the criticism of no man
those actions which the gods have sanctioned, and
which includes among its formal phrases, when it
decrees a thanksgiving or a triumph, * because he
has conducted the affairs of the state well and
successfully,' if I should be unwilling to speak, if I
considered it overbearing and presumptuous to exult
in our valour, if in recognition of the good fortune
of myself and my army, in that we overthrew so
great a nation with no loss of soldiers, I demanded
that honour should be paid to the immortal gods
and that I myself might in triumph mount to the
Capitoline, whence I set out after duly announcing

^ Cf. Valerius Maximus II. vii. ext. 1. Extant cases
seem to illustrate only crucifixion after defeat (e.g. Per.
XVII).

169

profectus sum, negaretis hoc mihi cum diis immor-
talibus :

XLIX. " Iniquo enim loco dimicavi. Die igitur,
quo aequiore potuerim dimicare. Cum hostes
montem cepissent, loco se munito tenerent, nempe
eundum ad hostes erat, si vincere vellem. Quid?

2 Si urbem eo loco haberent et moenibus se tenerent ?
Nempe oppugnandi erant. Quid ? Ad Thermopylas
aequone loco M'. Acilius cum rege Antiocho pug-

3 navit r Quid? Philippum non eodem mode super
Aoum 1 amnem iuga tenentem montium T. Quinctius
deiecit : Equidem adhuc qualem aut sibi fingant
aut vobis videri velint hostem fuisse non invenio.

4 Si degenerem et emollitum amoenitate Asiae, quid
periculi vel iniquo loco subeuntibus fuit r Si ti-
mendum. et feritate animorum et robore corporum.

5 huicine tantae \-ictoriae triumphum negatis ? Caeca
invidia est, patres conscripti, nee quicquam aliud
scit quam detraetare virtutes, eorrumpere honores

6 ae praemia earum.^ Mihi quaeso ita ignoscatis,
patres conscripti, si longiorem orationem non cupi-
ditas gloriandi de me, sed neeessaria criminum

7 defensio fecit. An etiam per Thraeiam saltus
patentes qui angusti erant et plana ex arduis et culta
ex silvestribus facere potui et praestare, necubi notis

^ super Aoum edd. vett. : superatum r.
2 earum ed. Frobeniana 1535 : eonim r.

^ Neither the grammar nor (possibly) the logic of this
cumbersome sentence is impeccable, but I have not tried to
improve either.

BOOK XXXVIII. xLviii. 16-XLIX. 7

my vows, would you refuse this to me as well as to b.c. 187
the immortal gods ? ^

XLIX. " ' Yes,' you say, for I fought on unfavour-
able ground. Tell me, then, in what more favourable
place I could have fought. Since the enemy had
occupied the mountain and were keeping themselves
within a fortified place, naturally I had to go to the
enemy if I wished to defeat them. What if they
had had a city in that place and were holding them-
selves within the walls ? Naturally a siege would
be necessary. Well, did Manius Acilius at Thermo-
pylae fight with King Antiochus on favourable
ground? Well, was not Philip in the same fashion,
when he held the crest of the mountains above the
Aous, dislodged by Titus Quinctius ? For my part,
I still do not discover what sort of enemy they are
picturing to themselves, or what they want him to
seem to you. If he was an enemy degenerate and
made effeminate by the pleasant life of Asia, what
danger was there if we attacked even over unfavour-
able ground ? If he was an enemy to be feared
because of both fierceness of temper and strength
of body, why do you refuse a triumph to so great
a victory as this? It is blind jealousy, conscript
Fathers, and it knows nothing except how to belittle
deeds of valour and to spoil the distinctions and
rewards they earn. I beg that you will pardon me,
conscript Fathers, on this ground, if my speech is
made over-long, not by my desire to boast about
myself, but by the need to defend myself against
their accusations. Again, could I make the passes
in Thrace wide when they were narrow, level ground
instead of steep, neat groves instead of wild forests,
and could I guarantee that there should be no

171

8 sibi latebris delitescerent latrones Thraces, ne quid
carcinarum raperetur, ne quod iumentum ex tanto
agmine abstraheretur, ne quis vulneraretur, ne ex
vulnere \'ir fortis ac strenuus Q. Minucius moreretur ?

9 In hoc casu. quo ^ infeliciter incidit ut talem civem

10 amitteremus. haerent ; quod saltu iniquo, loco alieno
cum adortus nos hostis esset, duae simul acies primi
et novissimi agminis haerentem ad impedimenta
nostra exercitum barbarorum circumvenerunt, quod

11 multa milia illo ipso ^ die, plura multo post dies
paucos ceciderunt et ceperunt, hoc, si ipsi tacuerint,
vos scituros, cum testis orationis meae totus exercitus

] 2 sit, non credunt : Si gladium in Asia non strinxissem,
si hostem non \-idissem, tamen ^ triumphum in Thracia
duobus proeliis merueraipi. Sed iam dictum satis

13 est; quin pro eo, quod pluribus verbis vos quam
vellem fatigavi, veniam a vobis petitam impetra-
tamque velim, patres conscripti."

L. Plus crimina eo die quam defensio valuisset,
ni altercationem in serum perduxissent. Dimittitur
senatus in ea opinione ut negaturus triumphum fuisse

^ casu quo ed. Aldina : casu et hoc casu et iniquo casu ~.
- illo ipso Weissenborn : ipso r.

^ tamen Weissenboryi : tamen per ~ : tamen proconsul ed.
Frobeniana 1535.

1 Livy said nothing of this vengeance in his account of
the battle (xl-xli above), and his whole picture of the episode
differs greatly from that of Manlius. It is impossible to
judge their relative accuracy.

2 This pair of speeches, taken with the narrative which
covers the ground of both, may furnish a test for the historical
accuracy of both the speeches and the narrative. It will
be observed that both speeches contain statements of historical
facts which are not mentioned in the narrative. Polybius
gives us no help, but the account of the return journey given

172

BOOK XXXVIII. xLix. 7-L. i

Thracian brigands lurking in ambushes known to b.c. 187
them, that there should be no loss of baggage, that
no pack-animal from so long a train should be driven
off, that no one should be wounded, that that brave
and energetic man Quint us Minucius should not die
from his wound? They dwell on this misfortune,
because it happened to our sorrow that we lost such
a citizen ; the fact that, when the enemy attacked
us in a defile hard to pass through, on unfavourable
ground, the two divisions of our army, the van and
the rear, at the same time surrounded the army of
the barbarians which was lingering around our
trains, that they killed and captured many thousands
on that same day and many more a few days later,^
if they keep silent about all this, do they think that-
you will not learn of it, since the whole army is here
to bear witness to what I say ? If I had not drawn
sword in Asia, if I had seen no enemy, I should still
have earned a triumph in Thrace by these two
battles. But enough has already been said ; rather,
I should wish, conscript Fathers, that pardon be
asked and granted for my wearying you with a
longer speech than I should have wished to make." ^
L. The accusations would have had more weight
that day than the defence had they not prolonged
the debate to a late hour. The senate adjourned,
having given the impression that the triumph would

by Appian {Syr. 43) is even more hostile than the speech of
Furius Aemilius. One is inclined to conclude that the
speeches are better rhetoric than history, and that the narra-
tive would have been improved if some items in the speeches
(cf. the preceding note) had been critically examined. The
tone of the narrative makes it impossible to believ^e that
Livy followed Claudius at this point (cf. xxiii. 8 and the note),
but there is no other clue to the soui'ce.

LIVY

2 videretur. Postero die et cognati amicique Cn.
Manlii summis opibus adnisi sunt, et auctoritas

3 seniorum valuit, negantium exemplum proditum
memoriae esse, ut imperator, qui de\'ictis perduel-
libus, confecta pro\-incia exercitum reportasset, sine
curru et laurea privatus inhonoratusque urbem iniret.
Hie pudor malignitatem vicit, triumphumque fre-
quentes decreverunt.

4 Oppressit deinde mentionem memoriamque omnem
contentionis huius maius et cum m.aiore et clariore

5 \'iro certamen ortum. P. Scipioni Africano, ut Ya-
lerius Antias auctor est, duo Q. Petillii diem dixerunt.
Id prout cuiusque ingenium erat interpretabantur.

6 Alii non tribunes plebis, sed universam civitatem

7 quae id pati posset incusabant : duas maximas orbis
terrarum urbes ingratas uno prope tempore in priu-
cipes inventas, Romam ingratiorem, si quidem victa
Carthago \"ictum Hannibalem in exilium expulisset.

8 Roma \ictrix \-ictorem Africanum expellat. Alii,
neminem unum civem tantum eminere ^ debere ut
legibus interrogari non possit ; nihil tam aequandae
libertatis esse quam potentissimum quemque posse

9 dicere causam. Quid autem tuto cuiquam, nedum
summam rem publicam. permitti, si ratio non sit
reddenda : Qui ius aequum pati non possit, in eum

1 un. civ. tan. em. ed. Frobeniaiia 1535 : un. tan. em. ciu. ~.

^ A siirsey of the triumphs awarded during this period
shows that the literal accuracy of this statement cannot
be maintained, but that to a steadily increasing degree actual
achievement was less important than influence with the
senate. The senate is ingenious in finding reasons why
triumphs should be awarded to its favourites and denied to
men in disfavour.

174

BOOK XXXVIII. L. 1-9

be refused. The next day the relatives and friends
of Manhus exerted all their efforts and the elder
senators also prevailed by their influence, saying
that no precedent had been handed down in tradition
that a commander who, after decisively defeating
the enemy and accomplishing the task assigned him
as his province, had brought home his army, should
enter the City without the car and laurel, a private
citizen and without honour.^ Respect for this
tradition prevailed over ill-will and a full session voted
the triumph.

Then all talk and thought of this debate were put
into the background by a struggle greater and
originating with a greater and more famous man.
Publius Scipio Africanus, as Valerius Antias asserts,
was prosecuted by two men, each named Quintus
Petillius. This action each man interpreted accord-
ing to his own inclinations. Some reproached, not
the tribunes of the people, but the whole state, for
being able to allow this — the two greatest cities in
the world, they said, were at about the same time
found ungrateful towards their foremost citizens,
but Rome was more ungrateful, because conquered
Carthage had driven the conquered Hannibal into
exile, while victorious Rome was driving out the
victorious Scipio. Others argued that no single
citizen should attain such eminence that he could not
be questioned under the laws ; that nothing was so
essential to equally distributed liberty as that every
man, however powerful, should plead his cause.
What now — not to mention supreme position in the
state — could be safely entrusted to any man if no
accounting could be asked? Against a man, they
said, who cannot brook equitable law, no violence

175

LIVY

10 vim haud iniustam esse. Haec agitata sermonibus,
donee dies causae dicendae venit. Nee alius antea
quisquam nee ille ipse Scipio consul censorve maiore
omnis generis hominuni frequentia quam reus illo

11 die in forum est deductus. lussus dicere causam
sine uUa criminum mentione orationem adeo mag-
nificam de rebus ab se gestis est exorsus ut satis
constaret neminem umquam neque melius neque

12 verius laudatum esse. Dicebantur enim ab eo
eodem ^ animo ingenioque quo - gesta erant, et
aurium fastidium aberat, quia pro periculo non in
gloriam referebantur. v

LI. Tribuni Vetera luxuriae crimina Syracusa-
norum hibernorum et Locris Pleminianum tumultum
cum ad fidem praesentium criminum retulissent,
suspicionibus magis quam argumentis pecuniae captae

2 reum accusarunt : filium captum sine pretio redditum,
omnibusque aliis rebus Scipionem, tamquam in eius
unius manu pax Romana bellumque esset, ab An-

3 tiocho cultum ; dictatorem eum consuli, non legatum
in provincia fuisse ; nee ad aliam rem eo profectum
quam ut, id quod Hispaniae Galliae Siciliae Africae
iam pridem persuasum esset, hoc Graeciae Asiaeque
et omnibus ad orientem versis regibus gentibusque

4 appareret, unum hominem caput columenque imperii

^ eo eodem P. Burman : eodem r.
^ quo P. Burman : a quo r.

1 Cf. XXIX. xix. 12, etc.

2 Cf. XXrX. viii. 6 &., etc.

3 The actual charges against Scipio, as well as the specifica-
tions which supported them, are variously stated by the
sources. Polybius, who should have kno^^-n, is nowhere
explicit as to the trial. In their most serious form, as reported,
e.g., by Gellius (IV. xviii. 7), the major charge could easily

176

BOOK XXXVIII. L. 9-Li. 4

is illegal. Such was the current of talk until the day b.c. 187
of the trial came. No other man before him, not
even this same Scipio, when consul or censor, was
ever escorted to the Forum by a greater crowd of
men of every rank than was Scipio that day when
he was the defendant. Being bidden to plead his
cause, he began so magnificent a speech about his
achievements that it was very clear that no man
had ever been better eulogized or more truthfully.
For he spoke of his deeds in the same temper and
spirit in which he performed them, and there was
nb resentment among his hearers, since he was
speaking to ward off peril and not to boast.

LI. When the tribunes revived the old charges of"
luxury in his winter-quarters at Syracuse ^ and the
disturbances caused by Pleminius at Locri,^ to make
their present charges more credible, on the basis of
suspicions rather than of evidence they charged him
with having accepted bribes : ^ that his captured son
had been restored without a ransom and that in all
other respects Antiochus had paid court to Scipio as

I if in his hands alone lay peace and war with Rome ;

I he had been, they alleged, a dictator, not a lieutenant,
in relation to the consul in the province ; he had
gone there for no other reason than that which
Spain, Gaul, Sicily and Africa had long since come
to believe should be manifest to Greece and Asia and
all the kings and tribes that lie towards the east,
namely, that one man was the source and stay of

have been treason. One admits that some of Scipio's messages
to Antiochus (e.g. XXXVII. xxxvii. 8) may easily be in-
terpreted as lending aid and comfort to the enemy, when
-emoved from their contexts. Yet the statements of Livy
md the conduct of the trial indicate that the charges were
ess grave.

177
VOL. XI. N

Romaiii esse, sub umbra Scipionis civitatem dominam
orbis terrarum latere, nutum eius pro decretis patrum,
pro populi iussis esse. Infamia intactum invidia qua

5 possunt urgent. Orationibus in noctem perductis

6 prodicta dies est. Ubi ea venit, tribuni in Rostris
prima luce consederunt ; citatus reus magno agmine
amicorum clientiumque per mediam contionem ad

7 Rostra subiit silentioque facto " hoc " inquit " die,
tribuni plebis vosque, Quirites, cum Hannibale et
Carthaginiensibus signis collatis in Africa bene ac

8 feliciter pugna\-i. Itaque, cum hodie litibus et
iurgiis supersederi aequum sit, ego hinc extemplo in
Capitolium ad lovem optimum maximum lunonem-
que et Minervam ceterosque deos qui Capitolio

9 atque arci praesident salutandos ibo, hisque gratias
agam. quod mihi et hoc ipso die et saepe alias
egregie gerendae rei publicae mentem facultatemque

10 dederunt. Vestrum quoque quibus commodum est,
Quirites, ite mecum et orate deos ut mei similes

11 principes habeatis, ita, si ab annis septemdecim ad
senectutem semper vos aetatem meam honoribus
vestris anteistis, ego vestros honores rebus gerendis

12 praecessi." Ab Rostris in Capitolium ascendit.
Simul se universa contio avertit et secuta Scipionem
est, adeo ut postremo scribae viatoresque tribunes
relinquerent, nee cum iis praeter ser\-ilem comitatum

^ That is, this was the anniversary of Zama and should be

a day of thanksgiving and rejoicing.

2 Scipio's youth had not prevented his election to offices
for which he was technically ineligible, but he reminds the
people that he had, before these elections, demonstrated his
capacity.

3 The various literary versions of this speech differ a good
deal in form but not in their essential character. The same
is true of other incidents of the trial.

178

BOOK XXXVIII. LI. 4-12

Roman power, that under the shadow of Scipio the s*^- ^^^
City which was the mistress of the world lay shel-
tered, that his nod was weighty as decrees of the
senate and enactments of the assembly. A man
untouched by ill repute they loaded with innuendo
in every possible way. The speeches having con-
tinued until nightfall, the matter was adjourned.
When the appointed day came, the tribunes took their
seats on the Rostra at dawn ; the defendant when
summoned came with a orreat throne of friends and
clients through the midst of the meeting to the Rostra,
and, when silence ensued, he spoke as follows : " On
this day ,^ tribunes of the people, and you, citizens, I
fought well and successfully in pitched battle with
Hannibal and the Carthaginians in Africa. There-
fore, since it is meet on this day to refrain from trials
and quarrels, I shall proceed at once from here to
the Capitoline to offer homage to Jupiter Optimus
Maximus and Juno and Minerva and the other
gods who preside over the Capitoline and the citadel,
and I shall give thanks to them because both on this
same day and on many other occasions they have
given me the purpose and the capacity to render
conspicuous service to the state. Let all of you too,
citizens, for whom it is convenient, come with me
and pray to the gods that you may have leaders like
me, but on this condition, that, if from my seventeenth
year to my old age you have always gone ahead of
my years in bestowing honours upon me,^ I have
anticipated your honours by my deeds." ^ From
the Rostra he went up to the Capitoline. At the
same time the whole meeting withdrew and followed
Scipio, so that finally even the clerks and messengers
left the tribunes, nor did anyone remain with them

179

N 2

LR Y

et praeconem qui reum ex Rostris citabat quisquam

13 esset. Scipio non in Capitolio modo, sed per totam
urbem omnia templa deiim cum populo Romano

14 circumiit. Celebratior is prope dies favore hominum
et aestimatione vera ^ magnitudinis eius fuit quam
quo triumphans de Syphace rege et Carthaginiensibus
urbem est invectus.

LII. Hie speciosus ultimus dies P. Scipioni illuxit.
Post quem cum invidiam et certamina cum tribunis
prospiceret, die longiore prodicta ^ in Literninum
concessit certo consiHo ne ad causam dicendam ades-

2 set. Maior animus et natura erat ac maiori fortunae
adsuetus quam ut reus esse sciret et summittere se

3 in humilitatem causam dicentium. Ubi dies venit
citarique absens est coeptus, L. Scipio morbum

4 causae esse cur abesset excusabat. Quam excusa-
tionem cum tribuni qui diem dixerant non acciperent,
et ab eadem superbia non venire ad causam dicendam
arguerent qua indicium et tribunos plebis et con-

5 tionem reliquisset et, quibus ius sententiae de se
dicendae et libertatem ademisset. his comitatus, velut
captos trahens, triumphum de populo Romano egisset
secessionemque eo die in Capitolium a tribunis
plebis fecisset : " Habetis ergo temeritatis illius

6 mercedem ; quo duce et auctore nos reliqiiistis, ab

^ vera Perizonius : uerae r.

2 prodicta J. F. Gronovius : producta r.

1 Cf. XXX. xlv. 2-7.

- Litemum was a colony, and Scipio's retirement thereto
was not, technically, exile. See, however, the Periocha of
this Book.

^ That i-. at the third and final day of the trial.

l8o

BOOK XXXVIII. LI. I2-LII. 6

except their retinue of slaves and the herald who b.c. is?
from the Rostra summoned the defendant. Scipio
visited all the temples of the gods, not only on the
Capitoline but through the whole City, with the
Roman people in attendance upon him. This day
was rendered almost more famous by the general
applause of men and by the true estimate of his
greatness than that on which he rode into the City
in triumph over King Syphax and the Carthaginians. ^
LII. This was the last day of glory to shine on
Publius Scipio. Since in future he foresaw unpopu-
larity and quarrels with the tribunes, obtaining a
longer adjournment he retired to his country place
at Liternum,2 with the definite intention of not being
present to plead his cause. ^ His soul and character
were too lofty, and too much accustomed to a greater
fortune, to know how to be a defendant and to come ,
down to the lowly position of men who must plead \
their cause. When the day arrived and the sum-
mons for the absent defendant began to be pro-
claimed, Lucius Scipio gave illness as the reason for
his absence. When the tribunes who had accused
him refused to accept this plea and maintained that
he had not come to plead his cause because of the
same arrogance as that with which he had deserted
the trial and the tribunes of the people and the
assembly, and with which, attended by those whom
he had robbed of their right to express their opinion
of him and of their liberty, leading them captive,
as it were, he had celebrated a triumph over the
Roman people and had brought about a secession that
day from the tribunes of the people to the Capitoline :
" You have, therefore," they said, " your reward
for that rash conduct ; under his leadership and

i8i

7 eo ipsi relicti estis, et tantum animorum in dies nobis
decrescit ut. ad quern ante annos septemdecim ^
exercitum et classem habenteni tribunes plebis
aedilemque naittere in Siciliam ausi sumus, qui
prenderent eum et Romam reducerent, ad eum
privatum ex villa sua extrahendum ad causam dicen-

8 dam mittere non audeamus " : - tribuni plebis
appellati ab L. Scipione ita decreverunt : si ^ morbi
causa excusaretur, sibi placere accipi earn causam

9 diemque a collegis prodici.^ Tribunus plebis eo
tempore Ti. Sempronius Gracchus erat, cui inimi-
citiae cum P. Scipione intercedebant. Is,, cum
vetuisset nomen suum decreto collegarum adscribi,
tristioremque omnes sententiam expectarent, ita

10 decrcA-it : cum L. Scipio excusasset morbum esse
causae fratri, satis id sibi \-ideri; se P. Scipionem
priusquam Romam redisset accusari non passurum ;
tum quoque, si se appellet, auxilio ei futurum ne

1 1 causam dicat : ad id fastigium rebus gestis, honoribus
populi Romani P. Scipionem deorum hominumque
consensu pervenisse, ut sub Rostris reum stare et

^ ante annos septendecim Crevier : antea r : ante annos
quindecim M.

- audeamus ed. Frohaniana 1535 : audenius r.
^ si ed. Froheniana 1531 : ut si r.

* prodici Gronoviiis : produci ~.

^ Cf. XXIX. XX. 6; this was in connection with the affair
of Pleniinius.

- This appeal was taken to the college of tribunes as a
whole against the refusal of the Petillii to accept the plea
of illness.

182

BOOK XXXVIII. Lii. 6-1 1

sanction you abandoned us and by him you are b.c. 187
yourselves abandoned, and so far has our spirit
decHned day by day that a man for whom seventeen
years ago,^ when he commanded an army and a
fleet, we dared to send tribunes of the people and
an aedile, to arrest him and bring him back to Rome —
to that man, when a private citizen, we do not dare
to send messengers to hale him forth from his country
place to plead his cause " ; the tribunes of the people,
when appealed to ^ by Lucius Scipio, thus decreed :
that, if the plea of illness were submitted, it was
their pleasure that this plea should be accepted and
the case adjourned by their colleagues. One of the
tribunes of the people at this time was Tiberius
Sempronius Gracchus,^ between whom and Publius
Scipio there was a feud. When he had forbidden
his name to be signed to the decree of his colleagues,
and all men were anticipating a harsher proposal,
he thus decreed : that, since Lucius Scipio had given
illness as the excuse for his brother, this seemed to
him sufficient ; that he would not permit Publius
Scipio to be prosecuted before he returned to Rome ;
that even then, if he were appealed to, he would
come to Scipio 's aid, to save him from pleading his
cause : * such heights had Publius Scipio reached, as
a result of his own deeds and of the honours con-
ferred by the Roman people, with the approbation
of gods and men, that to compel him to stand as a
defendant before the Rostra and listen to the insults

^ Cf. XXXVII. vii. 11 ; he plays an important part in the
following chapters.

* Gracchus would prevent, by the use of his tribunicial
powers, a condemnation in Scipio's absence and, on request,
any further prosecution.

183

praebere aures adolescentium con\1ciis populo
Romano magis deforme quam ipsi sit.

LIII. Adiecit decreto indignationem : "Sub pe-
dibus vestris stabit, tribuni, domitor ille Africae

2 Scipio ? Ideo quattuor nobilissimos duces Poenorum
in Hispania, quattuor exercitus fudit fugavitque ;
ideo S}^hacem cepit, Hannibalem devicit, Cartha-

3 ginem vectigalem nobis fecit, Antiochum — recipit ^
enim fratrem consortem huius gloriae L. Scipio —
ultra iuga Tauri emovit, ut duobus Petilliis succum-

4 beret ? Vos de P. Africano palmam peti feretis ? ^
Nullisne meritis suis, nullis vestris honoribus um-
quam ^ in arcem tutam et velut sanctam clari viri
per^enient ubi, si non venerabilis, inviolata saltern

5 senectus eorum considat ? " Movit et decretum et
adiecta oratio non ceteros modo sed ipsos etiam
accusatores, et deliberaturos se quid iuris sui et

G officii esset dixerunt. Senatus deinde concilio plebis
dimisso haberi est coeptus. Ibi gratiae ingentes ab
universo ordine, praecipue a consularibus seniori-
busque, Ti. Graccho actae sunt, quod rem publicam

7 privatis simultatibus potiorem habuisset, et Petillii
vexati sunt probris, quod splendere aliena invidia
voluissent et spolia ex Africani triumpho peterent.

8 Silentium deinde de Africano fuit. Mtam Literni

^ recipit JIadvig : re cepit ~.

2 peti feretis Madvig : peteritis 21 : peteretis r.

^ umquam ed. Frobeniana 1531 : cum qua 21 : om. r.

^ In later times at least, if not at this time, the prosecution
of some prominent person was a means of self-advertisement
much sought after by ambitious young men : the careers of
Cicero and Caesar illustrate.

184

BOOK XXXVIII. Lii. ii-Liii. 8

of young men ^ would be a greater disgrace to the s.r. 187
Roman people than to Scipio himself.

LIII. He supplemented his decree with an indig-
nant speech: " Are your feet, tribunes, to trample
down Scipio, that conqueror of Africa ? Was it for
this that he repulsed and routed four of the most
noted generals of the Carthaginians in Spain, and
four armies ? Was it for this that he captured
Syphax, overthrew Hannibal, made Carthage tribu-
tary to us, drove Antiochus — for Lucius Scipio
admits his brother to a share in this glory — beyond
the ridges of Taurus, that he should fall a victim to
the two Petillii ? Will you allow a victory over
Publius Africanus to be sought ? Shall distinguished
men by no services of their own, by no honours of
your bestoAval, ever reach a safe and, as it were,
sacred citadel where their old age, if not respected,
at least secure, may find rest? " Both the decree
and the supplementary speech touched not only the
tribunes but even the prosecutors themselves, and
the latter said that they would take counsel as to
what their right and duty required. After that,
when the assembly of the people had been adjourned,
a meeting of the senate began. There boundless
gratitude was expressed by the whole order and
especially by the senators of consular rank and
greater age, because Tiberius Gracchus had shown
greater regard for the public interest than for his
personal quarrels, and the Petillii were assailed with
abuse because they had tried to become conspicuous
at the expense of another's unpopularity and were
seeking spoils from a triumph over Africanus.
Thenceforth there was silence regarding Africanus.
He spent his life at Liternum, with no desire to

185

egit sine desiderio urbis ; morientem rure eo ipso loco
sepeliri se iussisse ferunt monumentumque ibi aedi-
9 ficari. ne funus sibi in ingrata patria fieret. Mr
memorabilis. bellicis tamen quam pacis artibus
memorabilior. Nobilior ^ prima pars vitae quam
postrema fuit, quia in iuventa bella adsidue gesta,
cum senecta res quoque defloruere, nee praebita est

10 materia ingenio. Quid ad - primum consulatum
secundus. etiam si censuram adicias ? Quid Asiatica
legatiO; et valetudine adversa inutilis et filii casu
deformata et post reditum necessitate aut subeundi

11 iudicii aut simul cum patria deserendi r Punici
tamen belli perpetrati, quo nullum neque maius
neque ^ periculosius Romani gessere, unus ^ prae-
cipuam gloriam tulit.

hl\. Morte Africani crevere inimicorum animi,
quorum princeps fuit M. Porcius Cato, qui vivo quo-
que eo adlatrare ^ magnitudinem eius solitus erat.

2 Hoc auctore existimantur Petillii et \"ivo Africano rem

3 ingressi et mortuo rogationem promulgasse. Fuit
autem rogatio talis: " Velitis iubeatis, Quirites,®

^ Xobilior Weissenborn : om. r.

^ Qaicl ad ed. Frobeniana 153o : quoad M : quoad et qui
ad r.

^ neque maius neque edd. vetl. : neque aut maius r.
* unn=i ed. Frobeniana 1535 : unam r.
^ adlatrare edd. vett. : lacerare r.
® Quirites Brissonhis : quaeratur r.

^ One infers from this and from liv. 1 below that the death
of Scipio soon followed, but in XXXIX. Hi. 1 his death is
said to have occurred in 183 B.C. The same uncertainty
prevailed regarding his burial-place and the circumstances
of his death, on which Liv^- declines to express an opinion.
He gives, however, in chap. Ivi. below, some interesting

i86

BOOK XXXVIII. Liii. 8-Liv. 3

return to the City ; when dying ^ they say that he
gave orders that he should be buried in that same
place in the country and that his tomb should be
erected there, that his funeral might not be held
in an ungrateful home-land. He was a man to be
remembered, although more to be remembered for
his achievements in war than for his deeds in peace.
The first part of his life was more distinguished than
the last, since in his youth he was continually waging
wars, while with old age his deeds too faded, nor was
any opportunity afforded to display his talent.
What was his second consulship compared to the first,
even if you add the censorship ? What was gained
by his lieutenancy in Asia, rendered unprofitable
as it was by his illness and disfigured by the
misfortune ^ of his son and, after his return, by the
necessity of either standing trial or leaving the trial
and his country at the same time ? Nevertheless,
since he brought to an end the Punic War, than
which there was waged none greater nor more
dangerous by the Romans, he has secured a singular
pre-eminence of fame.

LIV. On the death of Africanus the spirits of his
adversaries rose, the first of them being Marcus
Porcius Cato, who even during his life had been
accustomed to snarl at his greatness. It was with his
backing, it is thought, that the Petillii initiated the
prosecution of Africanus while he lived and after his
death introduced a motion. The motion was to this
effect : " Do you wish and order ,^ citizens, with

historical criticism which contrasts strangely with his dogmatic
statements elsewhere (but note ferunt in this section).

2 Cf. XXXVII. xxxiii. 4-7.

^ The formula retains the subjunctive even in direct
quotation.

187

quae pecunia capta ablata coacta ab rege Antiocho
est quique sub imperio eius fuerunt, quod eius in

4 publicum relatum non est, uti de ea re Ser. Sulpicius
praetor urbanus ad senatum referat quern earn rem
velit senatus quaerere de iis qui praetores nunc sunt ? "

5 Huic rogationi primo Q. et L. Mummii ^ intercede-
bant, senatum quaerere de pecunia non relata in
publicum, ita ut antea semper factum esset, aequum

0 censebant. Petillii nobilitatem et regnum in senatu
Scipionum accusabant. L. Furius Purpuric con-

7 sularis, qui in decem legatis in Asia fuerat, latius
rogandum censebat, non quae ab Antiocho modo
pecuniae captae forent, sed quae ab aliis regibus

8 gentibusque, Cn. Manlium inimicum incessens. Et
L. Scipio. quem magis pro se quam adversus legem
dicturum apparebat, dissuasor processit. Is morte
P. Africani fratris, viri omnium fortissimi clarissi-
mique, cam exortam rocrationem est conquestus ;

^ Mummii Sigonius : numini et al. r.

^ There was no systematic or effective method of verifying
a general's returns of the booty he had collected; one device,
of uncertain validity, was seen in the case of Glabrio (XXXVII.
Ivii. 13-14). The episode of Scipio Xasica (XXXVI. xxxvi.
1-2 and the note) suggests that the senate was either unable
to secure accurate information or tolerant of plausible irregu-
larities in the accounts of a general and his quaestor. Yet
the fears of Manlius and the investigation which follows of
the accounts of the Scipios show that some method existed,
although one wonders how the Petillii knew that there were
discrepancies in the present instance.

BOOK XXXVIII. Liv. s-^

respect to the money which was captured from, b.c. is7
taken from, levied upon King Antiochus and those
who were under his rule, and what of this money has
not been accounted for to the state, ^ that regarding
this matter Servius Sulpicius the city praetor shall
refer to the senate the question, whom, of those
who are now praetors, the senate wishes to inves-
tigate this matter?" This proposal was at first
vetoed by Quintus and Lucius Mummius ; they
deemed it proper that the senate should inquire
regarding money which had not been turned in to
the treasury in the manner in which it had always
been done before, ^ The Petillii kept assailing the
influential position and tyrannical power of the
Scipios in the senate. Lucius Furius Purpurio, a
man of consular rank, who had been one of the ten
commissioners in Asia, proposed to extend the field
of the investigation to include moneys which had been
taken, not only from Antiochus, but from other kings
and peoples as well, striking at his enemy Gnaeus
Manlius.^ Lucius Scipio also, who was evidently
about to speak for himself rather than against the
bill, came forward to oppose it. He complained
that only after the death of his brother Publius
Africanus, a man conspicuous above all for courage
and fame, this proposal had originated ; for it was not

2 The protest is not against the auditing of the accounts
but at the method, which, to judge from similar incidents
in Roman history, was designed to increase the probability
of a conviction. The Romans were generally intuitively
distrustful of special procedures invented for particular
situations.

3 It is clear from XXXTX. vi. 4 that Manlius was afraid
of such an inquiry, although he could say that missing property
had been carried off by tlie Thracians.

189

LIVY

9 parum enim fuisse non laudari pro Rostris P. Afri-

10 canum post mortem, nisi etiam accusaretm* ; et
Carthaginienses exilio Hannibalis contentos esse,
populum Romanum ne morte quidem P. Scipionis
exsatiari, nisi et ipsius fama sepulti laceretur et

11 frater insuper, accessio invidiae, mactetur. M. Cato
suasit rogationem — exstat et oratio eius de pecunia
regis Antiochi— et Mummios tribunes auctoritate

12 deterruit ne adversarentur rogationi. Remittentibus
ergo his intercessionem omnes tribus uti rogassent
iusserunt.

hV. Ser. Sulpicio deinde referente, quern rogatione
Petillia quaerere vellent, Q. Terentium Culleonem

2 patres iusserunt. Ad hunc praetorem,. adeo amicum
Corneliae familiae ut. qui Romae mortuum elatum-
que P. Scipionem — est enim ea quoque fama —
tradunt, pilleatum, sicut in triumpho ierat, in funere
quoque ante lectum isse memoriae prodiderint, et
ad Portam Capenam mulsum prosecutis funus
dedisse. quod ab eo inter alios captivos in Africa ex

3 hostibus receptus esset, aut adeo inimicum eundem,
ut propter insignem simultatem ab ea factione quae
adversa Scipionibus erat, delectus sit potissimum ad

4 quaestionem exercendam ; ceterum ad hunc nimis

^ The habit of pronouncing public laudationes over dis-
tinguished men was very old (II. xlvii. 11, etc.). It would
appear from liii. 8 above that Africanus had not wanted such
a eulog}-.

- The alternative formula " uti roga^"" is also employed:
cf. XXXIII. XXV. 7.

2 Cf. XXX. xlv. .5. The pilleus was the conical cap worn
by newly-manumitted slaves.

* Cf. Ivi. 4 below. The tomb of the Scipios, still to be seen,
is close to this gate.

190

BOOK XXXVIII. Liv. 9-Lv. 4

enough that no eulogy had been pronounced before b.c. is?
the Rostra over Pubhus Africanus after his death ^
without also bringing charges against him ; even
the Carthaginians had been satisfied with the exile
of Hannibal, the Roman people was not content even
M'ith the death of Publius Scipio without also tearing
to shreds his reputation as he lay in the tomb, and,
besides, sacrificing his brother as an additional
victim to their jealousy. Marcus Cato supported
the bill — and a speech of his on the money of King
Antiochus is extant — and by his influence deterred
the tribunes, the Mummii, from further opposing
the measure. With their veto withdrawn, therefore,
all the tribes voted " aye." ^ y^

LV. Servius Sulpicius then brought up the ques-
tion of what praetor they wished to have conduct the
investigation under the Petillian law, and the Fathers
selected Quintus Terentius Culleo. Before this
praetor, either so friendly to the Cornelian family that
those who say that Publius Scipio died and was buried
at Rome — for this too is reported — have put it on
record that, wearing the cap of freedom, just as he
had marched in the triumphal procession,^ he walked
also before the bier at the funeral, and at the Porta
Capena ^ served wine and honey to those who
attended the funeral, because he had been rescued
from the enemy by Scipio, along with the other
prisoners in Africa, or, on the other hand, so hostile
that on account of his well-known unfriendliness the
faction which was opposed to the Scipios chose him in
preference to anyone else to conduct the investiga-
tion ; at any rate,^ before this praetor, too well or

^ Li\'y becomes so involved in his discussion of the partisan-
ship of Culleo that he has to make a fresh start in his sentence.

191

aequum aut iniquum praetorem reus extemplo factus
L. Scipio. Simul et delata et recepta nomina lega-

5 torum eius, A. et L. Hostiliorum Catonum, et C.
Furii Aculeonis ^ quaestoris et, ut omnia contacta
societate peculatus viderentur, scribae quoque duo
et accensus. L. Hostilius et scribae et accensus,
priusquam de Scipione iudicium fieret, absoluti sunt,
Scipio et A. Hostilius legatus et C. Furius damnati:

6 quo conimodior pax Antiocho daretur, Scipionem sex
milia pondo auri, quadringenta octoginta argenti plus

7 accepisse quam in aerarium retulerit, A. HostiUum
octoginta pondo auri et argenti quadringenta tria,
Furium quaestoreni auri pondo centum triginta,

8 argenti ducenta. Has ego summas auri et argenti
relatas apud Antiatem inveni. In L. Scipione malim
equidem librarii mendum quam mendacium scrip-

9 toris esse in summa auri atque argenti ; similius
enim veri est argenti quam auri maius pondus fuisse,
et potius quadragiens quam ducentiens quadragiens

10 litem aestimatam, eo magis quod tantae summae

^ Furii Aculeonis ed. Frobeniana 1535 : furii culleonis J/ :
furiaeii leonis r.

1 They have not been mentioned before as legati of Scipio.

2 They were discharged for lack of evidence by the praetor
at the preliminar*- hearing; there seemed to be a prima
facie case against the others.

^ Liv^' is more charitable than on other occasions towards
the vagaries of Antias ; it is not quite clear what the annalist
said about the fine.

* Reckoning one pound of gold as 4,000 sesterces and one
povmd of silver as 336 sesterces, 6,000 pounds of gold, leaving
the silver out of account, would be 24,000.000 sesterces;
reversing the figures, 480 pounds of gold (1,920,000 sesterces)
plus 6,000 poimds of silver (2,016,000 sesterces) would produce
approximately 4,000,000 sesterces to be recovered by the

192

BOOK XXXVIII. Lv. 4-10

too ill disposed, Lucius Scipio was immediately b.c. 187
arraigned. At the same time the names of two of
his lieutenants, Aulus and Lucius Hostilius Cato,^
were both brought forward and accepted, and that
of his quaestor, Gaius Furius Aculeo, and, that
everything might seem infected by a conspiracy for
peculation, also those of two clerks and an orderly.
Lucius Hostilius and the clerks and the orderly were
acquitted ^ before the trial of Scipio took place ;
Scipio and his lieutenant Aulus Hostilius and Gaius
Furius were convicted : the charge was that, in order
to secure more favourable terms of peace for An-
tiochus, Scipio had received six thousand pounds
of gold, and four hundred and eighty pounds of
silver more than he turned in to the treasury, Aulus
Hostilius eighty pounds of gold and four hundred
and three of silver, the quaestor Furius one hundred
and thirty pounds of gold, two hundred of silver.
These amounts of gold and silver I have found
recorded in the writings of Antias. In the case of
Lucius Scipio, I should myself prefer to see an error
of the scribe rather than a falsification of the his-
torian ^ in the amounts of gold and silver ; for it is
more probable that the greater weight would have
been of silver and not of gold and that the fine
assessed would have been four million sesterces
rather than twenty-four million,^ the more so because
there is a tradition ^ that an accounting for just this

fine, (I have borrowed these calculations from Weissenbom-
Miiller, from ]\Iommsen and Hultsch.)

^ This other tradition (Polybius or another annalist) may
be the actual source of this criticism of Antias. At any rate,
Livy appears at this point to abandon Antias, whom he has
followed from 1, 5 above, in favour of another authority.
He appears also to go back to Antias at chap. Iviii. below.

VOL. XI. O

rationem etiam ab ipso P. Scipione requisitam esse

11 in senatu tradunt librumque rationis eius cum
Lucium fratrem adferre iussisset, inspectante senatu
suis ipsum nianibus concerpsisse ^ indignantem

12 quod, cum bis milliens in aerarium intulisset, quad-

13 ragiens ratio ab se posceretur. Ab eadem fiducia
animi, cum quaestores pecuniam ex aerario contra
legem promere non auderent, poposcisse claves et
se aperturum aerarium dixisse, qui ut clauderetur
efFecisset.

LM. Multa alia in Scipionis exitu maxime \-itae
dieque dicta,, morte, funere, sepulcro, in diversum
trahunt, ut cui famae, quibus scriptis adsentiar non

2 habeam. Non de accusatore convenit : alii M.
Xaevium, alii Petillios diem dixisse scribunt, non de
tempore quo dicta dies sit, non de anno quo mortuus

3 sit, non ubi mortuus aut elatus sit : alii Romae, alii
Literni et mortuum et sepultum. Utrobique monu-
menta ostenduntur et statuae ; nam et Literni monu-
mentum monumentoque statua superimposita fuit,

^ concerpsisse Sabellicus : compressisse r.

1 That is, 4,000,000 sesterces.

2 This anecdote is told also by Polybius (XXIV. ix; he
has also the following storv^), Gellius (IV. xviii. 7-12), Aud.
De Vir. III. (49. 17), all with small variations. Polybius alone
mentions definite sums, substituting 3,000 talents and 15,000
talents for those given by Livy. Under the circumstances
it seems useles.? to try to determine whether Polybius or an
annalist, probably Claudius, is Li%y's source. The following
chapter well illustrates the uncertainty which still exists
regarding these events.

^ No pre-Livian source for this anecdote is known except
Polybius; he makes it clear that this episode had nothing
to do with the preceding. The impossibility of equating
the sums given by Polybius (see the preceding note) with

194

BOOK XXXVIII. Lv. lo-Lvi. 3

sum ^ was also demanded in the senate from Publius i
Scipio himself, and that, when he had directed his
brother Lucius to bring the account-book, he had
himself, with his own hands, torn it up, being angry
that after he had brought two hundred millions
into the treasury he should be asked to account for
four millions. 2 With the same self-confidence, they
say, when the quaestors did not dare to take money
from the treasury ^ contrary to the law, he demanded
the keys and said that he would open the treasury
who had brought it to pass that it was closed.

LVI. Much else is said, especially about the end of
Scipio's life, his trial, his death, his funeral, his tomb,
all so contradictory that I find no tradition, no written
documents, which I can accept. There is no una-
nimity as to his accuser : some say that Marcus
Naevius * accused him, others the Petillii ; there is
no agreement as to the time w^hen he was prosecuted
nor as to the year when he died ^ nor as to where
he died or was buried ; some say that both death and
burial took place at Rome, others at Liternum. In
both places tombs and statues are shown ; for at
Liternum ^ there is a tomb and a statue placed upon

those of Livy leaves it doubtful still whether Polybius is the
source for both anecdotes. The second means, of course,
that it was due to Scipio that there was any money to be
guarded in the treasury.

* Naevius was tribune in 184 B.C. (XXXIX. Hi. 4 below).

^ Livy returns to this question in dealing with the year
183 B.C. (XXXIX. lii.).

® Seneca, writing to Lucilius from Scipio's villa at Liternum,
says . . . ara quam sepulchrum esse tanti viri suspicor {Ep.
LXXXVI. 1). Strabo (p. 243) also mentions the tomb, but
there seems to be no other reference to the statue of which
Livy speaks.

195
o2

LIVY

4 quam tempestate disiectam nuper vidimus ipsi, et
Romae extra Portam Capenam in Scipionum monu-
mento tres statuae sunt, quarum duae P. et L.
Scipionum dicuntur esse, tertia poetae Q. Ennii.

5 Xec inter scriptores rerum discrepat solum, sed ora-
tiones quoque, si modo ipsorum sunt quae feruntur,

6 P. Scipionis et Ti. Gracchi abhorrent inter se. Index
orationis P. Scipionis nomen M. Xaevii tribuni plebis
habet, ipsa oratio sine nomine est accusatoris ; modo

7 nebulonem, modo nugatorem appellat. Xe Gracchi
quidem oratio aut Petilliorum accusatorum Africani aut

8 diei dictae Africano ullam mentionem habet. Alia tota
serenda fabula est Gracchi orationi conveniens, et illi
auctores sequendi sunt qui, cum L. Scipio et accusatus
et damnatus sit pecuniae captae ab rege legatum in

9 Etruria fuisse Africanum tradunt ; qua post famam de
casu fratris adlatam relicta legatione cucurrisse eum
Romam et, cum a porta recta ad forum se contulisset,
quod in vincula duci fratrem dictum erat, reppulisse
a corpore eius Watorem, et tribunis retinentibus magis

1 Xo inscriptions to Publius or Lucius Scipio and no
identifiable statue of either has been found in the Scipio
tomb. The bust which some suppose to be that of Ennius
exists in the Vatican Museum.

- Cicero {Brutus 77) had few specimens of Scipio's style,
but he quotes a pimning fragment from a speech against
Naevius {quid hoc Xaevio ignavius : De Or. II. 249). But
Livy (sect. 6 below) says that Xaevius was not mentioned in
the speech itself. There is a slight indication that Livy and
Getlius {I.e.) read the same speech, since Livv^ says that Scipio
called his accuser nebulonem, and this word occurs in the
direct quotation given b}' Gellius.

3 This speech is otherwise unknown.

196

BOOK XXXVIII. Lvi. 4-9

the tomb, which I myself saM^ recently, shattered by b.c. is?
a storm, and at Rome, outside the Porta Capena, in
the tomb of the Scipios, there are three statues, two
of which are said to represent Publius and Lucius
Scipio, the third the poet Quintus Ennius.^ Not
only is there disagreement among historians, but
the speeches also (if indeed those which are in circula-
tion are genuine works of these men) of Publius
Scipio 2 and Tiberius Gracchus ^ are inconsistent with
one another. The i?idex * of the speech of Publius
Scipio contains the name of Marcus Naevius, tribune
of the people ; the speech itself lacks the name of the
accuser; it calls him now " a ne'er-do-well," now^ " a
no-good." Nor does the speech of Gracchus make
any mention at all either of the Petillii as accusers of
Africanus or of the prosecution of Africanus. Another
entirely diiferent story must be put together, con-
sistent with the oration of Gracchus, and those
WTiters must be followed who say that, when Lucius
Scipio was both accused and convicted of receiving
money from the king, Africanus was serving on a
commission in Etruria ; ^ that, leaving this post after
receiving the news of his brother's downfall, he
hastened to Rome, and when he had gone from the
gate straight to the Forum, because it was said that
his brother was being put in chains, that he drove
the messenger from him, and that when the tribunes
tried to stop him he attacked them, M'ith more

* The index was a tag fastened to the projecting end of
the rod on which the roll was wound, containing the title
of the work contained in that roll.

^ Nothing further is known of this commission, although
Gellius (\T. {VII. ) xix) tells the rest of the story, with greater
detail.

197

LIVY

10 pie quam civiliter vim fecisse. Haec enim ipsa Ti.
Gracchus queritur dissolutam esse a private tri-
buniciam potestatem, et ad postremum, cum auxi-
lium L. Scipioni pollicetur, adicit tolerabilioris
exempli esse a tribune plebis potius quam a privato
victam ^■ideri et tribuniciam potestatem et rem

11 publicam esse. Sed ita banc unam impotentem eius
iniuriam invidia onerat ut increpando, quod dege-
nerarit ^ tantum a se ipse, cumulatas ei ^ veteres
laudes moderationis et temperantiae pro reprehen-

12 sione praesenti reddat : castigatum enim quondam
ab eo populurn ait. quod eum perpetuum consulem et
dictatorem vellet facere ; prohibuisse statuas sibi in
comitio. in Rostris,. in curia, in Capitolio, in cella

13 lovis poni ; prohibuisse ne decemeretur ut imago sua
triumphali ornatu e templo lovis optimi maximi
exiret.

LVII. Haec vel in laudatione posita ingentera mag-

nitudinem animi moderantis ad civilem ^ habitum

honorjbus sio-nificarent, quae exprobrando inimicus

2 fatetur. Huic Graccho minorem ex duabus filiis — •

nam maior P. Cornelio Nasicae baud dubie a patre

^ degenerarit ed. Froheniana 1535 : generauit et gene-
rauerit r.

2 ei ed. Froheniana 1531 : et r.

^ moderantis ad civilem Drakenhorch : moderantis uiiem
M : moderandis ad ciuilem r.

^ The presumable situation was this : L. Scipio had been
condemned by a tribune to pay a fine: in default of bond
he would be imprisoned and could be released only by another
tribune ; Gracchus finally assumed the responsibility of
freeing him after Africanus had committed his assault.

2 Valerius Maximus (IV. i. 6) tells a similar story, but the
occasion of the rebuke is unknown. It seems probable that
Livy uses perpetuus in the sense of " for a considerable con-

198

BOOK XXXVIII. Lvi. 9-Lvii. 2

affection for his brother than respect for the laws. b.c. 187
For it is just this conduct that Tiberius Gracchus
complains of — that the tribunicial power had been
infringed by a private citizen, and at the end, when
he promised his official assistance to Lucius Scipio,
he added that it seemed to be a more endurable
precedent that a tribune of the people rather than a
private citizen should have overthrown both the
tribunicial power and the state. ^ But this one act of
uncontrolled violence on Scipio 's part he loaded with
reproaches in such a way that, taunting him because
he had fallen so far below his own standards, he paid
him, as compensation for his criticism of the moment,
lasting and accumulated praises for his integrity
and self-command ; for he said that the people had
once been rebuked by Scipio because they wished to
make him perpetual ^ consul and dictator ; that
he forbade statues to himself to be erected in the
Comitium, on the Rostra, in the Curia, on the Capi-
toline, in the cell of Jupiter ; that he prevented also
a decree that his image in triumphal dress should
appear to be coming out of the temple of Jupiter
Optimus Maximus.^

LVI I. Such statements, even if included in a
eulogy, would indicate the unusual greatness of a
soul which restricted distinctions to conformity with
a democratic constitution, and they were made by
an enemy and accompanied by censure. To this
Gracchus the younger of Scipio 's two daughters — for
the elder was betrothed to Publius Cornelius Nasica

tinuous period," contrasting it with in annum : cf. XXIV.
viii. 7.

3 Appian {Iber. 23) reports that this was done despite the
protests of Scipio.

199

3 collocata erat — nuptam fuisse convenit. Illud
parum constat, utrum post mortem patris et desponsa
sit et nupserit, an verae illae opiniones sint, Grac-
chum, cum L. Scipio in vincula duceretur, nee quis-

4 quam collegarum auxilio esset, iurasse sibi inimicitias
cum Scipionibus quae fuissent manere, nee se gratiae
quaerendae causa quicquam facere, sed, in quern
carcerem reges et imperatores hostium ducentem
\'idisset P. Africanum, in eum se fratrem eius duci

5 non passurum. Senatum eo die forte in Capitolio
cenantem consurrexisse et petisse, ut inter epulas

6 Graccho filiam Africanus desponderet. Quibus ita
inter ^ publicum sollemne sponsalibus rite factis cum
se domum recepisset, Scipionem Aemiliae uxori

7 dixisse filiam se minorem despondisse. Cum ilia,
muliebriter indignabunda nihil de communi filia
secum consultatum, adiecisset non si Ti. Graccho
daret expertem consilii debuisse matrem esse,

8 laetum Scipionem tam concord! iudicio ei ^ ipsi
desponsam respondisse. Haec de tanto viro quam
et opinionibus et monumentis litterarum variarent,
proponenda erant.

L\'III. ludiciis a Q. Terentio praetore perfectis,
Hostilius et Furius damnati praedes eodem die quaes-

^ inter ed. Frobeniana 1535 : in r. - ei Walch : et ~.

1 They were the parents of the famous tribunes.

- Probably in connection with some religious festival.

3 Whether this is anything more than a pleasant story
which Livj had picked up somewhere or not, it is probably
characteristic of the conduct of the Roman aristocracy at
this period.

^ With this anecdote Li\'y concludes his parenthetical
miscellany and returns to the narrative based on Valerius
Antias : cf. the note to Iv. 10 above.

200

BOOK XXXVIII. Lvii. 2-Lviii. I

and beyond doubt by her father — was married, as all b.c. 187
agree. ^ What is not certain is whether she was both
betrothed and married after the death of her father,
or whether the opinions are true, that Gracchus,
when Lucius Scipio was being taken to prison and
no one of his colleagues was coming to his assistance,
swore that his feud with the Scipios continued as
before and that he was doing nothing to curry
favour, but that he would not permit the brother of
Africanus to be put into that prison into which he had
seen Publius Africanus thrusting kings and generals
of the enemy. The story goes on that the senate ,
which chanced to dine that day on the Capitoline,'*^
had risen up and begged that during the banquet
Africanus should betroth his daughter to Gracchus.
When the contract had been duly made at this public
ceremony and Scipio had returned home, he told his
wife Aemilia that he had arranged a marriage for
their younger daughter. When she, being irritated,
as a woman would naturally be, that he had not
consulted with her about the daughter of both of
them, had added that not even if he were promising
her to Tiberius Gracchus should the mother have
been excluded from the deliberation, Scipio, they say,
rejoicing at their harmony of opinion, replied that it
was to Gracchus that he had betrothed her.^ How-
ever much at variance are these accounts of so great
a man, they have seemed worthy of presentation.'*

L\TII. When the trials ^ had been completed by
Quintus Terentius the praetor, Hostilius and Furius,
who were convicted, gave bond the same day to the

^ Livy seems to be technically correct in his terminology.
The indicium was the trial proper, as distinguished from the
preliminary hearing : cf. Iv. 5 above and the note.

2 toribus urbanis dederunt ; Scipio cum contenderet
omnem quam accepisset pecuniam in aerario esse, nee
se quicquam public! habere, in \-incula duci est coeptus.

3 P. Scipio Nasica tribunes appella^■it orationemque
habuit plenam veris decoribus non communiter
modo Corneliae gentis, sed proprie familiae suae.

4 Parentes suos et P. Africani ac L. Scipionis, qui in
carcerem duceretur, fuisse Cn. et P. Scipiones,

5 clarissimos viros. Eos, cum per aliquot annos in
terra Hispania adversus multos Poenorum Hispano-
rumque et duces et exercitus nominis Romani famam

6 auxissent non bello solum, sed quod Romanae tempe-
rantiae fideique specimen illis gentibus dedissent,
ad extremum ambo pro republica mortem ^ occu-

7 buisse. Cum illorum gloriam tueri posteris satis
esset, P. Africanum tantum paternas superiecisse
laudes ut fidem fecerit non sanguine humano sed

8 stirpe di\-ina satum se esse. L. Scipionem, de quo
agatur, ut quae in Hispania, quae in Africa, cum
legatus fratris esset, gessisset, praetereantur, con-
sulem et ab senatu dignum habitum - cui extra sortem
Asia provincia et bellum cum Antiocho rege decer-
neretur, et a fratre cui post duos consulatus censu-

9 ramque et triumphum legatus in Asiam iret. Ibi ne
magnitudo et splendor legati laudibus consulis offi-
ceret, forte ita incidisse ut, quo die ad Magnesiam

^ mortem edd. vett. : morte r.

2 habitum Weissenborn : uisum r.

1 Execution of judgment on the person of the condemned
was permitted when he had or claimed to have no property
and did not furnish bond.
202

BOOK XXXVIII. Lviii. 1-9

City quaestors ; when Scipio protested that all the i
money which he had received was in the treasury
and that he had no public property, they proceeded
to put him in prison. ^ Publius Scipio Nasica appealed
to the tribunes and delivered a speech full of deserved
tributes, not only to the Cornelian gens as a whole,
but specifically to his own family. The fathers, he
said, both of himself and of Publius Africanus and
the Lucius Scipio who was being imprisoned, were
Gnaeus and Publius Scipio, men of the highest
distinction. After they had, through many years in
the land of Spain, against many generals and armies
alike of Carthaginians and Spaniards, increased the
fame of the Roman name, not only in war but because
they had given those peoples an example of Roman
self-control and devotion, both had in the end met
death for their fatherland. While it would have been
enough, he continued, to maintain for posterity their
standard of glory, Publius Africanus had so far sur-
passed his father's praises that he had given reason
to believe that he was born, not of human blood, but of
divine stock. Lucius Scipio, whose fate was now in
question, not to mention what he had done in Spain,
in Africa, while serving as his brother's lieutenant,
had, as consul, been deemed by the senate worthy
to have decreed to him, without recourse to the lot,
the province of Asia and the war with King Antiochus,
and had been deemed by his brother worthy to be
attended to Asia by that brother as his lieutenant,
after he had been twice consul and censor and had
celebrated a triumph.^ There, that the greatness
and glory of the lieutenant might not obscure the
consul's fame, it happened that, on the day when

' Cf. XXXVII. i. 9.

203

signis collatis L. Scipio Antiochum de\-icisset, aeger

10 P. Scipio Elaeae dierum aliquot abesset \'ia. Non
fuisse minorem eum exercitum quam Hannibalis, cum
quo in Africa esset pugnatum ; Hannibalem eundem
fuisse inter multos alios regios duces, qui iniperator
Punici belli fuerit. Et bellum quidem ita gestum
esse ut ne fortunam quidem quisquam criminari

1 1 possit ; in pace crimen quaeri ; earn dici venisse. Hie
decem legatos simul argui,^ quorum ex consilio data

12 pax esset : quamquam exstitissent - ex decem legatis,
qui Cn. Manlium accusarent, tamen non modo ad
criminis fidem, sed ne ad moram quidem triumphi
eam accusationem valuisse.

LIX. At hercule in Scipione leges ipsas pacis, ut
nimium acconunodatas Antiocho. suspectas esse ;
integrum enim ei regnum relictum ; omnia possidere

2 eum \'ictum, quae ante bellum eius fuerint ; auri et
argenti cum vim magnam habuisset. nihil in publicum

3 relatum, omne in privatum versum ; an praeter
omnium oculos tantum auri argentique in triumpho
L. Scipionis quantum non decem aliis triumphis, si

4 omne in unum conferatur, latum : ^ Nam quid de fini-

^ argui ed. Frobeniana 1535 : arguique et argui quoque r.
2 quamquam exstitissent Drakenborch : quamquam exsti-
tisse M : quam {aut quern) exstitisse r.

1 Cf. XXXVII. xli. 1 and the note.

- This is one of the minor mysteries in this afifair : Livy's
narrative shows that their dealings had been entirely with
Manlius, who, as a matter of fact, had far more opportunity
to convert tribute and boot}' to his own use than Scipio had

204

BOOK XXXVIII. Lviii. 9-Lix. 3

Lucius Scipio defeated Antiochus in pitched battle b.c. 187
at Magnesia, Publius Scipio was sick at Elaea, some
days' journey away. That army, he went on, was
no smaller than that of Hannibal, with which they
had fought in Africa ; that same Hannibal,^ who had
been commander in the Punic War, was there among
many other generals of the king. And the war
indeed had been so conducted that no one could find
fault even with fortune ; it was in the peace that
ground for accusation was sought ; the peace, they
said, had been sold. On this point, he maintained,
the ten commissioners were likewise accused, by
whose advice the peace had been concluded ; ^
although some of the ten commissioners had come
forward to accuse Gnaeus Manlius, this charge had
failed, not only to win belief in his guilt, but even to
delay his triumph.

LIX. But, by Hercules, they say in the case of
Scipio that the very terms of peace were suspicious,
as too favourable to Antiochus ; for it was implied
that his kingdom had been left undiminished ; that
after his defeat he possessed everything he had owned
before the war ; that, although he had had a great
quantity of gold and silver, none of it had been
turned in to the treasury, all of it converted to private
use ; but (as to the last charge) had not so much gold
and silver been displayed before the eyes of all in the
triumph of Lucius Scipio as had not been carried in
ten other triumphs if they were combined into one ? ^
For what (returning to their first charge) shall I say

had. The followmg sentence is almost conclusive proof
that the Scipios were victims of political animus, regardless
of their actual guilt or innocence.
3 Cf. XXXVII. lix. 2-5.

20s

bus regni dicam? Asiam omnem et proxima Euro-

5 pae tenuisse Antiochum. Ea quanta regio orbis
terrarum sit, a Tauro monte in Aegaeum usque
prominens mare, quot non urbes modo sed gentes

6 amplectatur, omnes scire. Hanc regionem dierum
plus triginta iter in - longitudinem, decern inter duo
maria in latitudinem patentem usque ad Tauri

7 mentis iuga Antiocho ademptam, expulso in ultimum
angulum orbis terrarum. Quid si gratuita pax esset
plus adimi ei potuisse : Philippo \-icto Macedoniam,
Nabidi Lacedaemonem relictam, nee Quinctio crimen
quaesitum ; non enim habuisse eum Africanum
fratrem ; cuius cum ^ gloria prodesse L. Scipioni

8 debuisset, invidiam nocuisse. Tantum auri argen-
tique iudicatum esse in domum L. Scipionis illatum
quantum venditis omnibus bonis redigi non posset.
Ubi ■* ergo esse regium aurum, ubi tot hereditates

9 acceptas ? In domo quam sumptus non exhauserint,
exstare debuisse novae fortunae cumulum. x\t
enim, quod ex bonis redigi non possit, ex corpore et
tergo per vexationem et contumelias L. Scipionis

10 petituros inimicos, ut in carcere inter fures nocturnos
et latrones vir clarissimus includatur et in robore et
tenebris exspiret, deinde nudus ante carcerem

11 proiciatur. Non id Corneliae magis familiae quam
urbi Ptomanae fore erubescendum.

^ latum Crevier : sit latum r.

- iter in Weissetiborn : in M : om. r.

^ cuius cum ed. Frobeniana 1.5.3.5 : om. <r.

* ubi ed, Frobeniana 1535 : id ubi r.

206

BOOK XXXVIII. Lix. 3-1 1

about the boundaries of the kingdom of Antiochus ? b.c. 187
He had held, as we know, all Asia and the adjacent
parts of Europe. How great this section of the earth
is, extending from the Taurus mountain clear to the
Aegean Sea, how many cities and even nations it
contains, all men know. This region, extending in
length more than thirty days' march and ten in
width between the two seas, as far as the crest of the
Taurus mountain, had been taken from Antiochus,
who had been driven back into the farthest corner
of the earth. What more, if the peace involved
no loss of territory, could have been taken from
him ? Macedonia, he reminded them, had been
left to Philip after his defeat, Lacedaemon to Nabis,
nor had Quinctius been the victim of a trumped-up
charge ; he, of course, had not had Africanus as a
brother ; although his fame should have aided Lucius
Scipio, his unpopularity had done him harm. Judg-
ment had been given that so much gold and silver
had been conveyed into the house of Lucius Scipio
as the sale of all his property could not produce.
Where, then, he asked, was the royal gold, where
all the legacies he had received ? In a house which
extravagance had not drained, this heap of new wealth
should be apparent. But, of course, what cannot be
obtained from his property the foes of Lucius Scipio
will seek from his body and from his back, by means of
persecution and insults, so that this most distinguished
man may be shut up in prison among thieves of the
night and brigands and may die in the darkness of a
cell and then be cast out naked before the prison.
And it was not, he concluded, to the Cornelian family
so much as to the City of Rome that this would bring
the blush of shame.

207

LIVY

LX. Adversus ea Terentius praetor rogationem
Petilliam et senatus consultum ^ et iudicium de L.

2 Scipione factum recita^-it ; se, ni referatur pecunia in
publicum,, quae iudicata sit, nihil habere quod faciat
nisi ut prendi damnatum et in vincula duci iubeat.

3 Tribuni cum in consilium secessissent, paulo post C.
Fannius ex sua coUegarumque aliorum, praeter Grac-
chum, sententia pronuntiaxat praetori non intercedere

4 tribunos quo minus sua potestate utatur. Ti.
Gracchus ita decrevit. quo minus ex bonis L. Scipionis
quod iudicatum sit redigatur, se non intercedere

5 praetori ; L. Scipionem, qui regem opulentissimum
orbis terrarum de\'icerit,. imperium populi Romani

6 propagaverit in ultimos terrarum fines, regem Eume-
nem, Rhodios, alias tot Asiae urbes devinxerit populi
Romani beneficiis, plurimos duces hostium in
triumpho ductos carcere incluserit, non passurum
inter hostes populi Romani in carcere et vinculis

7 esse, mittique eum se iubere. Tanto adsensu audi-
tum est decretum, adeo dimissum Scipionem laeti
homines viderunt ut vix in eadem ci\'itate \'ideretur

S factum iudicium. In bona deinde L. Scipionis
possessum publice quaestores praetor misit. Xeque
in lis non modo vestigium ullum comparuit pecuniae
regiae, sed nequaquam tantum redactum est quantae

9 summae damnatus fuerat. Collata ea pecunia a
cognatis amicisque et clientibus est L. Scipioni ut, si

1 et senatus consultum ed. Frobeniana 1535 : ex senatus
consulto r.

2o8

BOOK XXXVIII. Lx. 1-9

LX. In reply to this the praetor Terentius read the b.c, 187
PetilUan law and the decree of the senate and the
sentence which had been passed on Lucius Scipio ;
unless the fine which was imposed was paid to the
treasury there was nothing which he could do except
to order the convicted man to be arrested and taken
to prison. When the tribunes had withdrawn for
consultation, a little later Gains Fannius announced
that, in accordance with the decision of himself and
his colleagues except Gracchus, the tribunes would
not interfere with the praetor so as to prevent his
exercise of his authority. Tiberius Gracchus thus
decreed : that he would not prevent the praetor from
collecting, out of the property of Lucius Scipio, the
fine that had been imposed ; Lucius Scipio himself,
who had conquered the richest king in the world,
extended the empire of the Roman people to the
most distant limits of the earth, bound King Eumenes,
the Rhodians, and so many cities of Asia by obliga-
tions to the Roman people, had led in his triumph
and thrown into prison so many leaders of the
enemy, he would not permit to lie in prison and in
chains among the enemies of the Roman people, and
he ordered him to be released. This decree was
listened to with such applause and with such joy did
men see Scipio released that it scarcely seemed that
the trial had taken place in the same state. Then
the praetor sent the quaestors to take possession,
on behalf of the state, of the property of Lucius
Scipio. Not only was there no trace of the king's
wealth discovered, but by no means was there as
much property found as would equal the amount of
the fine. Such a sum was raised for Lucius Scipio
by his relatives and friends and clients that if he had

209

VOL. XI. P

,c. acciperet earn, locupletior aliquanto esset quam ante

^ 10 calamitatem fuerat. Nihil accepit ; quae necessaria

ad cultum erant, redempta ei a proximis cognatis

sunt ; verteratque Scipionum invidia in praetorem

et consilium eius et accusatores.

BOOK XXXVIII. Lx. 9-10

received it he would have been a great deal richer
than he had been before his downfall. He accepted
none of it ; what was necessary for a decent existence
was redeemed for him by his nearest relatives ; and
the ill-\\111 against the Scipios ended by recoiling
upon the heads of the praetor and his advisers and the
accusers.!

^ It has seemed unwise to attempt any further reconstruc-
tion of these scenes in the drama of the Scipios. Li\^" is
unusually conscious of the contradictions and difficulties of
the story without being able to solve the problems they
create. Excessive space would be required to discuss these
problems adequately, and the results would be incommensurate
with the effort required.

p 2

LIBRI XXXVIII PERIOCHA

M. FuL^^us cos. in Epiro Ambracienses obsesses in
deditionem accepit, Cephallaniam subegit, Aetolis perdo-
mitis pacem dedit. Cn. Manlius cos., collega eiiis, Gallo-
graecos, Tolostobogios et Tectosagos et Trocmos,^ qui
Brenno duce in Asiam transierant, cum soli citra Taurum
montem non apparerent, vie it. Eorum origo et quo
modo - ea loca quae tenent occupaverint refertur. Exem-
plum quoque virtutis et pudicitiae in femina traditur.
Quae cum regis Gallograecorum uxor fuisset, capta
centurionem qui ei vim intulerat occidit. Lustrum a
censoribus conditum est. Censa sunt civium capita
CCLVIII CCCX.^ Cum Ariarathe, Cappadociae rege,
amicitia iuncta est. Cn. Manlius, contradicentibus X
legatis ex quorum consilio foedus cum Antiocho conscrip-
serat, de Gallograecis acta pro se in senatu causa
triumphavit. Scipio Africanus die ei dicta, ut quidam
tradunt, a Q.^ Petillio tr. pL, ut quidam, a Xaevio, quod
praeda ex Antiocho capta aerarium fraudasset, postquam
is dies venit, evocatus in rostra : " Hac die " inquit
" Quirites, Carthaginem vici," et prosequente populo
Capitolium escendit. Inde ne amplius tribuniciis iniuriis
vexaretur, in voluntarium exilium Liternum •' concessit.
Incertum ibi an Romae defunctus sit ; nam monumentum

^ These, names, much confused in (he MSS., are corrected
from the Livy text.

- quo mode Jahn : quoniam J\' P.

^ The number is left as it is found in the MSS., although it
disagrees ivith that given by Li>y in xxxvi. 10 above.

^ Q. Sigonius ex vet. lib. : p. codd.

^ Liternum edd. : om. codd.

SUMMARY OF BOOK XXXVIII

The consul Marcus Fulvius besieged the Ambraciots
in Epirus and received their surrender, subdued Cephal-
lania, and granted peace to the conquered AetoUans.
Gnaeus Manlius his colleague defeated the Gallogrecians,
that is, the Tolostobogii, the Tectosagi and the Trocmi,
who had crossed into Asia under the leadership of Brennus,
when they alone of the peoples on this side of the Taurus
mountain did not offer submission. Their origin and
the manner in which they gained control of the districts
which they hold are recorded. An example also of virtue
and chastity in a woman is reported. She, being the
wife of the king of the Gallogrecians, and being a prisoner,
slew a centurion who had violated her. The lustrimi was
closed by the censors. The number of citizens rated was
two hundred and fifty-eight thousand three hundred and
ten. A treaty of friendship was concluded with Ariarathes,
king of Cappadocia. Gnaeus Manlius, despite the opposition
of the ten commissioners by whose advice he had put
into form the treaty with Aiitiochus, having pleaded his
cause in person before the senate, triumphed over the
Gallogrecians. Scipio Africanus, having been accused, as
some say, by Quintus Petillius the tribune of the people,
as others say, by Naevius, on the ground that he had
cheated the treasury of booty taken from Antiochus,
when the day came and he was summoned to the Rostra,
said : " On this day, citizens, I conquered Carthage,"
and with the people attending him ascended the Capitoline.
Then, to avoid being further annoyed by the attacks of
the tribunes, he withdrew to Liternum in voluntary
exile. It is uncertain whether he died there or in Rome ;

213

eius utrobique fuit. L. Scipio Asiaticus, frater Africani,
eodem crimine peculatus accusatus damnatusque cum in
vincula et carcerem duceretur, Ti. Sempronius Gracchus
tr. pi., qui antea Scipionibus inimicus fuerat, intercessit
et ob id beneficium Africani filiam duxit. Cum quaestores
in bona eius publice possidenda missi essent/ non modo
in his ullum vestigium pecuniae regiae apparuit, sed
nequaquam tantum redactum quantae summae erat
damnatus. Collatam a cognatis et amicis innumerabilem
pecuniam accipere noluit ; quae necessaria ei erant ad
cultum redempta.

^ missi assent J . F. Gronovius : misissent codd.

214

SUMMARY OF BOOK XXXVIII

for there was a tomb to him in each place. Lucius Scipio
Asiaticus, the brother of Africanus, was accused and
convicted on the same charge of embezzlement, and,
when he was being led to chains and prison, Tiberius
Sempronius Qracchus, tribune of the people, who had
formerly been an enemy of the Scipios, intervened for
him, and in return for that act of kindness was given the
daughter of Africanus in marriage. When the quaestors
had been sent to take possession, on behalf of the state,
of the property of Scipio, not only was there no trace of
the king's wealth discovered, but by no means was there
as much found as would equal the amount of the fine.
A countless amount of money collected by his relatives
and friends he refused to accept; what was necessary
for a decent existence for him was redeemed.

215

BOOK XXXIX

LIBER XXXIX

I. DuM haec, si modo hoc anno acta sunt, Romae
aguntur, consules ambo in Liguribus gerebant bellum.

2 Is hostis velut natus ad continendam inter magnoruni
inten'alla bellorum Romanis militareni disciplinam
erat ; nee alia provincia militem magis ad virtutem

3 acuebat. Nam Asia et amoenitate urbium et copia
terrestrium maritimarumque rerum et mollitia hos-
tium regiisque opibus ditiores quam fortiores exerci-

4 tus faciebat. Praecipue sub imperio Cn. Manlii
solute ac neglegenter habiti sunt. Itaque asperius
paulo iter in Thracia et exercitatior hostis magna

5 clade eos castiga\*it. In Liguribus omnia erant quae
militem excitarent, loca montana et aspera, quae et
ipsis capere labor erat et ex praeoccupatis deicere

6 hostem ; et itinera ardua angusta infesta insidiis ;
hostis le\'is et velox et repentinus, qui nullum usquam
tempus,^ nullum locum quietum aut securum esse

^ nullum usquam tempus Heraeus : usquam tempus
nullus r.

^ The allusion is to the uncertainty as to the date of the
trial of the Scipios : of. XXXVIII. Iri. 2 above.

2 The assignment of Liguria to the consuls was reported
at XXXVIII. xliii. 8 above.

3 This charge was not made in the speech of Furius Aemilius
(XXXVIII. xlv.-xlvi. above), but is brought up again in

2i8

BOOK XXXIX

I. While these things were going on at Rome, if bo. i87
indeed they did happen that year,i both consuls were
waging war against the Ligurians.^ This enemy was
born, as it were, to keep aUve the mihtary discipline
of the Romans dm'ing the intervals between their
great wars ; nor did any province do more to put an
edge to the soldier's courage. For Asia, on account
of the pleasantness of its cities and the abundance of
its treasures of land and sea and the feebleness of
the enemy and the wealth of its kings, made armies
richer rather than braver. Especially under the
command of Gnaeus Manlius was discipline slackly
and indifferently enforced ; ^ and so a somewhat
more difficult advance in Thrace and a rather more
effective enemy had taught them a lesson with great
slaughter. Among the Ligurians there was every-
thing to keep an army alert — hilly and rough ground,
which was difficult both for the men themselves to
occupy and to dislodge the enemy who had already
occupied it, and roads difficult, narrow, dangerous
by reason of ambuscades ; an enemy lightly equipped,
mobile and unexpected in his movements, who per-
mitted no time or place whatever to be quiet or

vi. 5 and vii. 3 below. Its presence here, in contrast with
its absence from the preceding Book, may indicate a change
of source.

219

sineret ; oppug-natio necessaria munitorum castel-
lorum, laboriosa simul periculosaque ; inops regio,
quae parsimonia astrincreret milites, praedae haud

7 multum praeberet. Itaque non lixa sequebatur,
non iumentorum longus ordo agmen extendebat.
Nihil praeter arma et \*iros omnem spem in armis

8 habentes erat. Nee deerat umquam cum iis vel
materia belli vel causa, quia propter domesticam
inopiam \icinos agros incursabant. Nee tamen in
discrimen summae rerum pugnabatur.

II. C. Flaminius consul, cum Friniatibus ^ Liguri-
bus in a^ro eorum pluribus proeliis secundis factis,

2 in deditionem crentem accepit et arma ademit. Ea
quia non sincera fide tradebant, cum castigarentur,
relictis \-icis in montem Auginum profugerunt.

3 Confestim secutus est consul. Ceterum effusi rursus,
et pars maxima inermes, per invia et rupes deruptas
praecipitantes fugerunt, qua sequi hostis non posset.
Ita trans Appenninum abierunt. Qui castris se

4 tenuerant, circumsessi et expugnati sunt. Inde
trans Appenninum ductae legiones. Ibi montis
quem ceperant altitudine paulisper se tutati mox in
deditionem concesserunt. Tum conquisita cum in-

5 tentiore cura arma et omnia adempta. Translatum
deinde ad Apuanos Ligures bellum, qui in agrum

^ cum Friniatibus ed. Frobeniana 1535 : confirmatis r.

^ This reflection seems to be fully warranted by Livy's
narrative, and raises doubts as to the legitimacy of some
of the Ligurian triumphs, which were still notorious in Cicero's
day iBrotu^s 255).

2 The Friniates lived mainly south of the Apennines.

^ The Apuani lived west of the Apennines. A raid covering

220

BOOK XXXIX. I. 6-II. 5

safe ; the besieging of fortified points was necessary b.c. 187
and at the same time toilsome and dangerous ; the
district was poor, which constrained the soldiers to
simple living and offered them little plunder.
Accordingly, no civilian camp-follower went along,
no long train of pack-animals stretched out the
column. There was nothing except arms and men
who placed all their trust in their arms. Nor was
there ever wanting either the occasion or the cause
for war with them, because on account of their
poverty at home they were constantly raiding their
neighbours' lands. And yet the fighting never
brought about the final settlement of a campaign. ^

II. The consul Gains Flaminius, having fought
several successful battles with the Ligurian Friniates ^
on their own soil, received the tribe in surrender and
disarmed them. When they were reproved because
they did not surrender the arms in good faith, they
abandoned their villages and fled to the Auginus
mountain. The consul followed in haste. But they
scattered again, the largest part being unarmed,
and fled at full speed through pathless country and
over steep cliffs where the enemy could not pursue.
So they departed across the Apennines. Those who
remained in camp were surrounded and captured.
Thence the legions were led across the Apennines.
There the enemy defended themselves for a while
by virtue of the height of the mountain which they
had occupied, but presently yielded in surrender.
At this time the arms were sought out with greater
diligence, and all were taken from them. The war
was then transferred to the Ligurian Apuani,^ who

all the country between Pisa and Bologna was an ambitious
undertaking.

221

Pisanum Bononiensemque ita incursaverant ut coli

6 non possent. His quoque perdomitis consul pacem
dedit finitimi'^. Et quia a bello quieta ut esset pro-
vincia efFecerat. ne in otio militem haberet, \*iani a

7 Bononia perduxit Arretium. M. Aemilius alter con-
sul agros Ligurum \'icosque, qui in campis aut vallibus
erant. ipsis montes duos Ballistam ^ Suismontiunique

8 tenentibus, deussit depopulatusque est. Deinde eos
qui in montibus erant adortus primo levibus proeliis
fatiga\*it, postremo coactos in aciem descendere
iusto proelio de\-icit, in quo et aedem Dianae vovit.

9 Subactiscis Appenninum omnibus, turn transmontanos
adortus — in his et Friniates - Ligures erant, quos non
adierat C. Flaminius — omnes Aemilius subegit arma-
que ademit et de montibus in campos multitudinem

10 deduxit. Pacatis Liguribus exercitum in agrum
Gallicum duxit viamque a Placentia ut Flaminiae

11 committeret Ariminum perduxit. Proelio ultimo,
quo cum Liguribus signis coUatis conflixit, aedem
lunoni reginae vo\-it. Haec in Liguribus eo anno
gesta.

IIL In Gallia ^L Furius praetor insontibus Ceno-
manis, in pace speciem belli quaerens, ademerat

^ Ballistam edi. vett. : uaJlis tamen et similia r.
2 Friniates r : erisinates M.

1 If, as seems probable, there was already a road from
Arezzo to Rome, the new road provided a route to Gaul
shorter than the Via Flaminia (built in 220 B.C. by the father
of the present consuli and the Via Aemilia (see sect. 10 below),
bv wav of Ariminum .
'2 In XL. lii. 1-3, Aemilius, as censor in 179 B.C., received

222

BOOK XXXIX. II. 5-III. I

had raided the lands of Pisa and Bologna to such b.c. 187
effect that they could not be cultivated. Having
subdued them too, the consul granted peace to their
neighbours. And, because he had brought it to pass
that the province was free from war, that he might
not leave his army idle, he built a road from Bologna
to Arezzo.i The other consul, Marcus Aemilius,
burned and ravaged the farms and villages of the
Ligurians which were in the plains or valleys, the
people themselves holding the two mountains Ballista
and Suismontium. Then, attacking the men wh(
were on the mountains, he first wore them outT witl
small skirmishes, then forced them to come down to
face his battle-line and defeated them in a regular
battle, in the course of which he vowed a temple to
Diana. 2 Having subdued all the tribes on this side
of the Apennines, Aemilius then attacked those
beyond the mountains — among whom there were
those Ligurian Friniates also whom Gains Flaminius
had not visited — and subdued them all, took away
their arms and transferred the population from the
hills to the plains. Leaving the Ligurians pacified,
he led his army into Gallic territory, and built a road
from Placentia to Ariminum, in order to make a
junction with the Via Flaminia. In the final en-
counter in which he engaged the Ligurians in a
pitched battle, he vowed a temple to Juno Regina.
Such were the events of that year among the
Ligurians.

III. In Gaul the praetor Marcus Furius, seeking
in peace the appearance of war, had disarmed the

an appropriation for games in connection with the dedication
of temples to Diana and Juno Regina (sect. 11 below). Both
were near the Circus Flaminius.

223

2 arma. Id ^ Cenornani questi Romae apud senatum
reiectique ad consulem Aeniilium, cui ut cognosceret
statueretque senatus permiserat, magno certamine

3 cum praetore habito obtinuerunt causam. Arma
reddere Cenomanis, decedere provincia praetor
iussus.

4 Legatis deinde sociorum Latini nominis, qui toto
undique ex Latio frequentes convenerant, senatus
datus est. His querentibus magnam multitudinem
civium suorum Romam commigrasse et ibi censos esse,

5 Q. Terentio Culleoiii praetori negotium datum est ut
eos conquireret, et quern C. Claudio M. Livio ^ cen-
soribus postve eos censores ipsum parentemve eius
apud se censum esse probassent socii. ut redire eo

6 cogeret. ubi eensi essent. Hac conquisitione duo-
decim milia Latinorum domos redierunt. iam turn
multitudine alienigenarum urbem onerante.

IV. Priusquam consules redirent Romam, M. Ful-

2 vius proconsul ex Aetolia redit ; isque ad aedem

ApoUinis in senatu cum de rebus in Aetolia Cephalla-

niaque ab se gestis disseruisset. petit a patribus ut,

^ id Gdenius : inde et M : inde ant in r.
2 Liuio r : iulio M.

^ The Cenornani had been quiet since their defeat b\
Cethegus in 197 B.C. (XXXIII. xxiii. 4).

2 The allied cities and the Latin colonies, whose status wa.-
similar, were under obligations to Rome, in accordance witl
their several treaties and constitutions. The migration o
their citizens to Rome increased the burden on those wh(
remained at home; the status of the migrants is uncertain
they seem not to have acquired Roman citizenship and ye
to have been assessed by the censors.

224

BOOK XXXIX. III. i-iv. 2

Cenomani,^ who had given no provocation : they in b.c. 187
consequence laid a complaint about this before the
senate at Rome, and were referred to the consul
Aemilius, whom the senate had authorized to in-
vestigate and decide, and after engaging in great
contention with the praetor won their case. The
praetor was ordered to restore their arms to the
Cenomani and to leave the province.

Then ambassadors from the allies of the Latin
confederacy, who had assembled from all Latium in
great numbers from every side, were granted an
audience by the senate. When they complained that
a great number of their citizens had migrated to
Rome and had been assessed there, ^ Quintus Teren-
tius CuUeo the praetor was instructed to search them
out, and, on receiving from the allies proof that any
person or the father of such person ^ had been
assessed among the allies in the censorship of Gains
Claudius and Marcus Livius * or after that censor-
ship, to compel such persons to return to the places
where they had been registered. As a consequence
of this investigation twelve thousand of the Latins
returned home, for even at that time a multitude of
aliens was burdening the city.

IV. Before the consuls returned to Rome, the pro-
consul Marcus Fulvius returned from Aetolia ; and
when the senate, in the temple of Apollo, had heard
him describe his exploits in Aetolia and Cephallania,
he asked the Fathers, if they deemed it proper, by

* Since only heads of families were listed, the omission of
this provision would have opened the door to persons who
moved to Rome in the lifetimes of their fathers.

■* They were censors in 204 b.c. The date chosen was
probably arbitrary and the result of compromise.

225

LRT

si ^ aequiim censerent, ob rem publicam bene ac
feliciter gestam et diis immortalibus honorem haberi

3 iuberent et sibi triumphum decernerent. M. Aburius
tribunus plebis si quid de ea re ante M. Aemilii
consulis adventum deeerneretur intereessuruni se

4 ostendit : eum contra dicere velle, proficiscentemque
in provinciani ita sibi mandasse ut ea diseeptatio
integra in adventum suum servaretur. Fulvium
temporis iacturam facere : senatum etiam praesente

5 consule - quod vellet decreturum. Turn ^ Fulvius :
si aut simultas M. Aemilii secum ignota hominibus
esset, aut quam is eas inimicitias impotenti ac prope

6 regia ira exerceret, tamen non fuisse ferendurn
absentem consulem et deorum immortalium honori
obstare et meritum debitumque triumphum morari,

7 imperatorem rebus egregie gestis \"ictoremque exer-
citum cum praeda et captivis ante portas stare, donee
consuli ob hoc ipsum moranti redire Romam hbitum

8 esset. \^erum enimvero cum sint notissimae sibi
cum consule inimicitiae, quid ab eo quemquam posse
aequi exspectare, qui per infrequentiam furtim sena-

9 tus consultum factum ad aerarium detulerit, Am-
braciam non videri vi captam, quae aggere ac vineis
oppugnata sit, ubi incensis operibus alia de integro

^ ut si Madvig : ut r. ^ pr. con. r : con. pr. M.

3 turn Muretus : om. r.

226

BOOK XXXIX. IV. 2-9

reason of his successful and fortunate conduct of the
business of the state, both to order that honour
should be paid to the immortal gods and to decree a
triumph to him. Marcus Aburius, tribune of the
people, announced that, if any decree on that sub-
ject were passed prior to the arrival of Marcus
Aemilius, he would veto it : Aemilius, he said,
wished to speak against it, and on his departure to
his province had given instructions to him, the
tribune, that this whole discussion should be reserved
for his return. Fulvius, he said, was suffering the
loss of time only : even with the consul present the
senate would decree what he wished. Then Fulvius
replied: if either the quarrel between him and
Marcus Aemilius was unknown to men, or if it was
unknown with what uncontrollable and almost
tyrannical passion Aemilius carried on the feud,
even then it would have been unendurable that the
absent consul should both stand in the way of the
honour due to the immortal gods and delay an
earned and merited triumph, and that a general
after a brilliant campaign and a victorious army with
its booty and prisoners should stand before the gates
until it suited the fancy of a consul (who stayed
away for just that reason) to return to Rome. But
as a matter of fact, he went on, since his quarrel
with the consul was very well known, what justice
could be expected from a man who had deposited in
the treasury a decree of the senate passed stealthily
and in a poorly attended meeting, to the effect that
Ambracia did not appear to have been taken by
force, although it had been besieged with a mound
and sheds, where other works were built anew when
the first were burned, where the battle had raged

227
Q 2

LIVY

facta sint. ubi circa muros supra subterque terrain

10 per dies quindecim pugnatum. ubi a prima luce, cum
iam transcendisset muros miles, usque ad noctem diu
anceps proelium tenuerit, ubi plus tria milia hostium

11 sint caesa. Iam de deorum immortalium templis
spoliatis in capta urbe qualem calumniam . . .^ ad

12 pontifices attulerit : Nisi Syracusarum ceterarumque
captarum civitatium ornamentis urbem exornari fas
fuerit, in Ambracia una capta non valuerit belli ius.

13 Se et patres conscriptos orare et ab tribuno petere,
ne se superbissimo inimico ludibrio esse sinant.

V. Undique omnes alii deprecari tribunum, alii
castigare. Ti. Gracchi collegae plurimum oratio

2 movit. Ne suas quidem simultates pro magistratu
exercere boni exempli esse : alienarum vero simulta-
tum tribunum plebis cognitorem fieri turpe et in-
dignum collegii eius potestate et sacratis legibus

3 esse. Suo quemque iudicio et homines odisse aut
diligere et res probare aut improbare debere, non
pendere ex alterius vultu ac nutu nee alieni momentis
animi circumagi. adstipularique irato consuli tribunum

4 plebei ; et quid privatim ^I. Aemilius mandaverit

1 lacunam susp. Madvig.

^ I have filled out the suspected lacuna in what seems the
simplest way consistent with grammar and sense. Madvig
takes the passage to mean that spoils captured by Fulvius
would bestow fame upon the pontiffs when they used them in
the decoration of temples. The action referred to is the
decree reported in XXXVIII. xliv. 5 above.

2 Adstipv.Iari is at least semi-technical, implying giving
support to a legal proceeding.

^ The consul had no right to issue official orders of this
sort to the tribune.

228

BOOK XXXIX. IV. 9-v. 4

around the walls for fifteen days, above and below
the ground, where from daylight, after the soldiers
had already scaled the walls, until nightfall the
battle had been maintained with uncertain issue,
and where more than three thousand of the enemy
had perished? Then, too, as to the plundering of
the temples of the immortal gods in the captured
city, what kind of insult was it that he had turned
the booty over to the pontiffs ? ^ Unless it had been
lawful to adorn the City with the trophies of Syra-
cuse and other captured towns, but that in the case
of captured Ambracia alone the law of war did not
hold good! He begged the conscript Fathers and
he requested of the tribune that they should not
permit him to be made a laughing-stock by this
most insolent personal enemy.

V. Everybody from all sides began to address the
tribune, some with entreaties, some with reproaches.
The argument of his colleague Tiberius Gracchus
impressed him most. He said that it was not a
good precedent to follow up even one's own conten-
tions while holding a magistracy ; but it was dis-
graceful for a tribune of the people to take sides in
the contentions of others, and unworthy of the
authority of that college and of its sacred laws.
Each man, he said, in accordance with his own
judgment should both hate or love men and approve
or disapprove measures, should not depend upon
another's expression and nod or be led this way or
that under the pressure of another's will, nor should
a tribune of the people be a second ^ to an angry
consul ; he should not remember any commission
which Marcus Aemilius had privately ^ entrusted to
him, and forget the office of tribune which had been

229

meminisse. tribunatum sibi a populo Romano man-
datum oblivisci, et mandatum pro auxilio ac libertate

5 privatorum, non pro consular! regno. Xe hoc quidem
cernere eum, fore ut memoriae ac posteritati mande-
tur eiusdem collegii alterum et duobus tribunis plebis
suas inimicitias remisisse rei publicae, alterum alienas

6 et mandatas exercuisse. His ^■ictus castigationibus
tribunus cum templo excessisset. referente Ser.
Sulpicio praetore triumphus M. Fuhio est decretus.

7 Is cum gratias patribus conscriptis egisset, adiecit
ludos magnos se lovi optimo maximo eo die quo
Ambraciam cepisset vovisse : in eam rem sibi centum

8 pondo auri a civitatibus coUatum ; petere ut ex ea
pecunia quam in triumpho latam ^ in aerario positurus

9 esset id aurum secerni iuberent. Senatus pontificum
collegium consuli iussit, num omne id aurum in ludos

10 consumi necesse esset. Cum pontifices negassent
ad religionem pertinere quanta impensa in ludos
fieret, senatus FuMo quantum impenderet permisit,

11 dum ne summam octoginta milium excederet. Tri-
umphare mense lanuario statuerat : sed cum audisset
consulem M. Aemilium. litteris M. Aburii tribuni

12 plebis acceptis de remissa intercessione, ipsum ad

1 latam r : delatam M.

^ The first tribune is, of course, Gracchus himself.

2 Neither the vow nor the contribution has been mentioned
before. The celebration of the games is reported at XXII.
1 below.

^ The denomination of the coins is omitted. If the allowance
was 80,000 sesterces, as is probable, only twenty potmds of
gold would be used; 80,000 deimrii would amount to eighty
pounds. In either case, one wonders what became of the
balance. The senate's decree probably did not forbid the
expenditure of private funds in addition.

230

BOOK XXXIX. V. 4-12

entrusted to him by the Roman people, and entrusted b.c. 187
for the purpose of rendering assistance to and pro-
tecting the hberty of private citizens, not of bolster-
ing up the consular authority- Aburius, he said, did
not even see that the result would be that tradition
and posterity would have the story how in the same
college one of two tribunes of the people had laid
aside his own enmities for the sake of the state, the
other had assumed and carried on those of another
because they had been entrusted to him.^ When
the tribune, overcome by this criticism, had left the
temple, on the motion of Servius Sulpicius the
praetor the triumph was voted to Marcus Fulvius.
When he had thanked the conscript Fathers, he
went on to say that he had vowed the Great
Games to Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the
day when he had captured Ambracia, that for this
purpose a hundred pounds of gold had been con-
tributed by the cities ; ^ he requested that, from this
money which he had planned to display in his triumph
and then deposit in the treasury, this particular sum
should, by their order, be kept separate. The senate
ordered the college of pontiffs to be consulted whether
it was necessary to spend this entire sum on the
games. When the pontiffs had replied that from
the point of view of religion it was immaterial how
much should be spent on the games, the senate
granted permission to Fulvius for whatever amount
he should spend, provided that he did not exceed a
total of eighty thousand sesterces.^ He had decided
to triumph in the month of January ; but when he
had heard that the consul Marcus Aemilius, having
received a letter from Marcus Aburius about the
withdrawal of the veto, was himself coming to Rome

231

LI\'Y

impediendum triumphum Romam venientem aegrum
in \-ia substitisse. ne plus in triumpho certaminum
quam in bello haberet, praetulit triumphi diem.

13 Triumpha\"it ante diem decimum Kal. lanuarias de

14 Aetolis et de Cephallania. Aureae coronae centum
duodecim pondo ante currum latae ^ sunt ; argenti
pondo milia octoginta tria. auri pondo ducenta quad-

15 raginta tria, tetrachma Attica centum octodecim
milia, Philippei nummi duodecim milia trecenti ^
\-iginti duo, signa aenea septingenta octoginta
quinque, signa marmorea ducenta triginta, arma tela

in cetera spolia hostium, magnus numerus, ad hoc cata-
pultae, ballistae, tormenta omnis generis; duces aut
Aetoli et Cephallanes aut regii ab Antiocho ibi relicti

IT ad viginti septem. Multos eo die priusquam in urbem
inveheretur in circo Flaminio tribunos praefectos
equites centuriones, Romanos sociosque, donis mili-
taribus donavit. Militibus ex praeda vicenos quinos ^
denarios divisit, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti.

W. lam consularium comitiorimi appetebat tem-
pus ; quibus quia M. Aemilius, cuius sortis ea cura

^ latae r : delatae M.

2 trecenti Madvig : treeenta M : quadringenti r.

3 vicenos quinos ed. Aldina : uiginti quinque M : quinos
vicenos ~,

1 It is always uncertain whether pondo should be read in
such passages, and I have followed in each case what seems
to be the most trustworthy reading of the MSS. The addi-
tional complication exists in this instance, that Livy has al-
ready recorded (XXXVIII. ix. 13 above) the gift of a single
crown weighing 150 pounds, but we do not know that this
was to be carried in the procession, nor whether the gift for
the games should be included. See also the note to the
passage just quoted.

232

BOOK XXXIX. V. I2-VI. I

to hinder the triumph, but had been detained on the b.c. i87
way by illness, he advanced the date, lest he have
more strife in the triumph than in the war. He
triumphed the tenth day before the Kalends of
January over the Aetolians and over Cephallania.
Golden crowns of one hundred and twelve pounds ^
in weight were carried before his car ; he displayed
also eighty-three thousand pounds of silver, two hun-
dred and forty-three pounds of gold, one hundred
and eighteen thousand Attic four-drachma pieces,
twelve thousand three hundred and twenty-two coins
called " Philippei," '^ bronze statues to the number of
seven hundred and eighty-five and two hundred and
thirty of marble, weapons, javelins and other spoils
taken from the enemy, in great quantities, besides
catapults, ballistae and every variety of artillery ;
there marched also generals, whether Aetolians and
Cephallanians or commanders of the king left there
by Antiochus, to the number of twenty-seven. On
that day, before he rode into the City, in the Circus
Flaminius,^ he presented many tribunes, prefects,
cavalrymen and centurions, Romans and allies, with
military decorations.* To the soldiers, out of the
booty, he gave twenty-five denarii each, twice that
amount to each centurion, and thrice to each
cavalryman.

VI. The time for the consular elections was now
at hand; for these, since Marcus Aemilius, to whom

2 Cf. XXXVII. lix. 4 and the note.

2 This circus was probably the only enclosure of suitable
size which lay outside the pomerium.

■* The generosity of Fulvius in this respect was severely
criticized by Cato (Gellius V. vi. 24-25, where a fragment of
a speech is preserved).

233

LIVY

erat, occurrere non potuit, C. Flaminius Romam
venit. Ab eo creati ^ consules Sp. Postumius Albinus

2 Q, Marcius Philippus. Praetores inde facti T.
Maenius P. Cornelius Sulla C. Calpurnius Piso M.
Licinius Lucullus C. Aurelius Scaurus L. Quinctius
Crispinus.

3 Extreme anni, magistratibus iam creatis, ante diem
tertium nonas Martias Cn. Manlius \'olso de Gallis

4 qui Asiam incolunt triumphavit. Serius ei tri-
umphandi causa fuit, ne Q. Terentio CuUeone prae-
tore causam lege Petillia diceret et incendio alieni

5 iudicii quo L. Scipio damnatus erat conflagraret, eo
infensioribus in se quam in ilium iudicibus quod
disciplinam militarem severe ab eo conservatam
successorem ipsum omni genere licentiae corrupisse

6 fama attulerat. Xeque ea sola infamiae erant, quae
in provincia procul ab oculis facta narrabantur, sed
ea etiam magis quae in militibus eius cotidie aspicie-

7 bantur. Luxuriae enim peregrinae origo ab exercitu
Asiatico invecta in urbem est. li primum ^ lectos
aeratos, vestem stragulam pretiosam, plagulas et alia
textilia, et quae tum magnificae supellectilis habe-
bantur, monopodia et abacos Romam advexerunt.

^ creati r : decreti 3/.

2 ii primum Gelenius : inde primum r.

^ It may be accidental that so many of the names on this
list are relatively unfamiliar; it may also be true that con-
ditions had made the Romans somewhat distrustful of the
families that had been exercising political and military leader-
ship and had encouraged them to look elsewhere for talent.

2 Manlius probably had good reason to fear prosecution,
especially before Culleo, who had displayed his inflexibility
in the trial of Scipio. Until his triumph Manlius was outside
the City and exempt from prosecution by virtue of his pro-
consulskip; in the brief interval between the triumph and

234

BOOK XXXIX. VI. 1-7

this responsibility had fallen by lot, was unable to b.c. is?
come, Gaius Flaminius came to Rome. He an-
nounced the choice of Spurius Postumius Albinus
and Quintus Marcius Philippus as consuls. Then
the praetors were elected, Titus Maenius, Publius
Cornelius Sulla, Gaius Calpurnius Piso, Marcus
Licinius Lucullus, Gaius Aurelius Scaurus, Lucius
Quinctius Crispinus.^

At the end of the year, when the new magistrates
had already been elected, on the third day before
the Nones of March, Gnaeus Manlius Volso triumphed
over the Gauls who inhabit Asia. His purpose in
delaying so long to celebrate his triumph was to
avoid pleading his cause under the Petillian law
before the praetor Quintus Terentius Culleo and
being himself consumed in the flames of another's
trial, in which Lucius Scipio had been condemned,"^
seeing that the jurors were far more hostile to him
than to Scipio because it was rumoured that he, when
he succeeded Scipio, had ruined the military discipline,
strictly maintained by his predecessor, by permitting
every kind of licence. Nor was this only a matter of
unfavourable report of what was said to have happened
in the province, far from their eyes, but still more of
what was apparent every day among his soldiers.
For the beginnings of foreign luxury were introduced
into the City by the army from Asia. They for the
first time imported into Rome couches of bronze,
valuable robes for coverlets, tapestries and other
products of the loom, and what at that time was
considered luxurious furniture — tables with one

the Ides (when a new praetor would succeed Culleo) a trial
could not be completed. See the notes to XXXVIII. liv.
3; 7; Iviii. 12 above.

235

8 Tunc psaltriae sambucistriaeque et convivalia alia
ludorum oblectamenta addita epulis : epulae quoque
ipsae et cura et sumptu maiore apparari coeptae.

9 Turn coquus, vilissimum antiquis mancipium et aesti-
matione et usu, in pretio esse, et quod ministerium
fuerat, ars haberi coepta. Vix tamen ilia, quae turn
conspiciebantur, semina erant futurae luxuriae.

\ll. In triumpho tulit Cn. Manlius coronas aureas
ducentas duodecim,^ argenti pondo ducenta viginti
milia, auri ^ pondo duo milia centum tria, tetrach-
mum 3 Atticum centum viginti septem milia, cisto-
phori ducenta quinquaginta, Philippeorum * aureorum

2 nummorum sedecim milia trecentos viginti ; et arma
spoliaque multa Gallica carpentis travecta, duces
hostium duo et quinquaginta ducti ante currum.
Militibus quadragenos binos denarios divisit, duplex
centurioni, triplex in equites, et stipendium duplex

3 dedit ; ^ multi omnium ordinum donati militaribus
donis currum secuti sunt. Carminaque a militibus
ea in imperatorem dicta, ut facile appareret in ducem
indulgentem ambitiosumque ea dici, triumphum esse

^ ducentas duodecim Lentz : ducentas duodecim pondo M :
decern duas r : CC decern pondo duas edd. vett.

2 auri Gelenius : argenti ".

3 tetrachmum Bekker : tetracinum et similia r.
^ Philippeoram edd. vett. : philipporum r.

^ dedit Madvig : in pedites dedit r.

^ Pliny (XXXIV. 14) derives from the annalist Piso a
similar list of articles of luxury first imported at this time.
It does not necessarily follow that Piso was Livy's source
also.

2 He probably includes dancing-girls, buffoons, and the
like.

236

BOOK XXXIX. VI. 8-vii. 3

pedestal and sideboards.^ Then female players of b.c. 187
the lute and the harp and other festal delights of
entertainments ^ were made adjuncts to banquets ;
the banquets themselves, moreover, began to be
planned with both greater care and greater expense.
At that time the cook, to the ancient Romans the
most worthless of slaves, both in their judgment of
values and in the use they made of him, began to
have value, and what had been merely a necessary
service came to be regarded as an art. Yet those
things which were then looked upon as remarkable
were hardly even the germs of the luxury to come,

\'II. In his triumph Gnaeus Manlius carried two
hundred and twelve golden cro^^'ns, two hundred
and twenty thousand pounds of silver, two thousand
one hundred and three pounds of gold, of Attic four- ,

drachma pieces one hundred and twenty-seven
thousand, of cistophori ^ two hundred and fifty
thousand, of gold Pkilippei sixteen thousand three
hundred and twenty ; there were also arms and
many Gallic spoils transported in carts, and fifty-two
leaders of the enemy led before his car. To the
soldiers he gave forty-two denarii each, twice that
amount to each centurion and thrice to each cavalry-
man, and he gave them also double pay ; * many of
all ranks, presented with military decorations,
followed his car. Such songs were sung by the
soldiers about their commander that it was easily
seen that they were sung about an indulgent leader
who sought popularity, and that the triumph was

3 Cf. XXXVII. xlvi. 3.

* The grammar of the sentence is peculiar and there is
corruption in the text. I have given what seems to be the
most reasonable translation.

237

4 militari magis favore quam popular! celebrem. Sed
ad populi quoque gratiam conciliandam amici Manlii

5 valuerunt : quibus adnitentibus senatus consultum
factum est ut, ex pecunia quae in triumpho translata
esset, stipendium collatum a populo in publicum quod
eius solutum antea non esset solveretur. Vicenos
quinos et semisses in milia aeris quaestores urbani
cum fide et cura solverunt.

6 Per idem tempus tribuni militum duo ex duabus
Hispaniis cum litteris C. Atinii et L.^ Manlii qui eas

7 provincias obtinebant venerunt. Ex iis litteris cogni-
tum est Celtiberos Lusitanosque in armis esse et soci-
orum agros populari. De ea re consultationem inte-
gram senatus ad novos magistratus reiecit.

8 Ludis Romanis eo anno, quos ^ P. Cornelius Cethe-
gus A. Postumius Albinus faciebant, malus in circo
instabilis in signum Pollentiae procidit atque id

9 deiecit. Ea religione moti patres et diem unum
adiciendum ludorum censuerunt et signa duo pro

10 uno reponenda et novum auratum faciendum. Et
plebeii ludi ab aedilibus C. Sempronio Blaeso et M.
Furio Lusco diem unum instaurati sunt.

^ L. ed. Frdbeniana 1535 : en. r.
2 quos edd. vett. : quo ~.

^ This stipendium may have been some extraordinary tax,
paid in an emergency and regarded as a loan to the treasury',
analogous to the contribution mentioned in XXVI. xxxvi. 8
(cf . XXIX. xvi. 1 ; XXXI. xiii. 2-9 ; XXXIII. xlii. 2). Nothing
further is known of it, and no translation can be more than a
guess.

2 It is not clear whether this is a final payment, a payment
on account, or a favourable composition with creditors.

BOOK XXXIX. VII. 3-10

marked more by the applause of the miUtary than b.c. 187
of the civil population. But the friends of Manlius
were able to curry favour with the people as well ;
at their instance a decree of the senate was passed
that, with regard to the tax ^ which had been paid
by the people into the treasury, whatever portion of
this was in arrears should be paid out of the money
which had been carried in the triumph. The city
quaestors, displaying fidelity and diligence, paid
twenty-five and one-half asses each per thousand
asses.^

About the same time two tribunes of the soldiers
arrived from the two Spains, bringing dispatches
from Gains Atinius and Lucius Manlius, who were
holding those provinces.^ From these letters it was
learned that the Celtiberians and Lusitanians were
in arms and were ravaging the lands of the allies.
The decision regarding the whole question was left
to the new magistrates by the senate.

At the Roman Games that year, which Publius
Cornelius Cethegus and Aulus Postumius Albinus
gave, a badly-fixed mast * in the Circus fell on the
statue of Pollentia and shattered it. The Fathers,
disturbed by this omen, voted, first, that one day
should be added to the Games, and, second, that
two statues should be set up in place of one and the
new one gilded. The Plebeian Games too were
repeated, to the extent of one day, by the plebeian
aediles Gains Sempronius Blaesus and Marcus Furius
Luscus.

^ Cf. XXXVIII. XXXV. 10 above for their assignment.

* Probably this was a permanent mast set up on the spina ;
less probably it was one of the spars which supported the
awnings.

239

VIII. Insequens annus Sp. Postumium Albinum
et Q. Marcium Philippum consules ab exercitu bello-
rumque et provinciarum cura ad intestinae coniura-

2 tionis vindictam avertit. Praetores provincias sortiti
sunt, T. Maenius urbanam, M. Licinius LucuUus
inter cives et peregrines , C. Aurelius Scaurus Sar-
dinian!, P. Cornelius Sulla Sicilian!, L. Quinctius
Crispinus Hispaniam citeriorem, C. Calpurnius Piso

3 Hispaniam ulteriorem. Consulibus ambobus quaestio
de clandestinis coniurationibus decreta est. Graecus
ignobilis in Etruriam prin!un! venit nulla cum arte
earum, quas multas ad anin!orum corporumque cul-
tum nobis eruditissima omnium gens invexit, sacri-

4 ficulus et vates ; nee is qui aperta religione, propalam
et quaestum et disciplinam profitendo, animos errore
imbueret, sed occultorum et nocturnorum antistes

5 sacrorun!. Initia erant quae primo paucis tradita
sunt deinde vulgari coepta sunt per viros mulieresque.
Additae voluptates religioni vim et epularum, quo

6 plurium animi illicerentur. Cum vinum animos
incendisset,^ et nox et mixti feminis mares, aetatis
tenerae niaioribus, discrimen omne pudoris exstinxis-
sent, corruptelae primum oncmis generis fieri coeptae,
cum ad id quisque. quo natura pronioris libidinis

7 esset, paratam voluptatem haberet. Nee unum
genus noxae, stupra promiscua ingenuorum femina-
rumque erant. sed falsi testes, falsa signa testamen-

8 taque - et indicia ex eaden! officina exibant : venena

^ animos incendisset Madmg : orn. r.

2 testamentaque Roever : testimoniaque ~.

^ Rome's treatment of the Christians illustrates her general
attitude towards meetings conducted with any degree of
concealment.

240

BOOK XXXIX. VIII. 1-8

VIII. The following year diverted the consuls i
Spurius Postumius Albinus and Quintus Marcius
Philippus from the army and the administration of
wars and provinces to the suppression of an internal
conspiracy. The praetors drew lots for their pro-
vinces, Titus Maenius receiving the city jurisdiction,
Marcus Licinius LucuUus that between citizens and
aliens. Gains Aurelius Scaurus Sardinia, Publius
Cornelius Sulla Sicily, Lucius Quinctius Crispinus
Nearer Spain, Gains Calpurnius Piso Farther Spain.
To both consuls the investigation of secret con-
spiracies was decreed. A nameless Greek came first
to Etruria, possessed of none of those many arts
which the Greek people, supreme as it is in learn-
ing, brought to us in numbers for the cultivation of
mind and body, but a dabbler in sacrifices and a
fortune-teller ; nor was he one who, by frankly dis-
closing his creed and publicly proclaiming both his
profession and his system, filled minds with error,
but a priest of secret rites performed by night. ^
There were initiatory rites which at first were im-
parted to a few, then began to be generally known
among men and women. To the religious element
in them were added the delights of wine and feasts,
that the minds of a larger number might be attracted.
When wine had inflamed their minds, and night and
the mingling of males with females, youth with age,
had destroyed every sentiment of modesty, all varieties
of corruption first began to be practised, since each
one had at hand the pleasure answering to that to
which his nature was more inclined. There was not
one form of vice alone, the promiscuous matings of
free men and women, but perjured witnesses, forged
seals and wills and evidence, all issued from this same

241

VOL. XI. R

LIVY

indidem intestinaeque caedes, ita ut ne corpora qui-
dem interdum ad sepulturam exstarent. Multa dolo,
pleraque per vim audebantur. Occulebat vim quod
prae ululatibus tympanorumque et cymbalorum stre-
pitu nulla vox quiritantium inter stupra et caedes
exaudiri poterat.

IX. Huius mali labes ex Etruria Romam veluti
contagione morbi penetravit. Primo urbis magni-
tudo capacior patientiorque talium malorum ea cela-
vit : tandem indicium hoc maxime modo ad Postu-

2 mium consulem pervenit. P. Aebutius, cuius pater
publico equo stipendia fecerat, pupillus relictus,
mortuis deinde tutoribus sub tutela Duroniae matris

3 et \'itrici T. Sempronii Rutili educatus fuerat. Et
mater dedita viro erat et vitricus, quia tutelam ita
gesserat ut rationem reddere non posset, aut tolli
pupillum aut obnoxium sibi vinculo aliquo fieri cupie-

4 bat. Via una corruptelae Bacchanalia erant. Mater
adulescentem ^ appellat : se pro aegro eo vovisse ubi
primum convaluisset, Bacchis eum se initiaturam ;
damnatam voti benignitate deum exsolvere id velle.
Decern dierum castimonia opus esse : decimo die
cenatum, deinde pure lautum in sacrarium deductu-

1 adolescent em T : adulescentulum M.

1 He was an eques equo publico, receiving an annual
allowance for the purchase and upkeep of his mounts.

2 A tutor rendered to the court which appointed him an
account of his administration of the property, at least when
the ward came of age.

3 A vow, to a Roman, created a quasi-contractual obliga-
tion, which was as effective as the sentence of a court : hence
damnatam voti.

242

BOOK XXXIX. VIII. 8-ix. 4

workshop : likewise poisonings and murders of kin- 1
dred, so that at times not even the bodies were
found for burial. Much was ventured by craft,
more by violence. This violence was concealed
because amid the bowlings and the crash of drums
and cymbals no cry of the sufferers could be heard
as the debauchery and murders proceeded.

IX. The destructive power of this evil spread from
Etruria to Rome like the contagion of a pestilence.
At first the size of the City, ^\ith abundant room and
tolerance for such evils, concealed it : at length in-
formation came to the consul Postumius in about this
manner. Publius Aebutius, whose father had per-
formed his military service with a horse supplied by
the state ,^ was left a ward, and later, on the death
of his guardians, was brought under the tutelage of
his mother Duronia and his stepfather Titus Sem-
pronius Rutilus. His mother was devoted to her
husband, and his stepfather, who had so administered
his guardianship that he could not render an account-
ing,'^ desired that the ward should either be done
away with or be made dependent upon them by some
tie. The one method of corrupting him was through
the Bacchanalia. The mother addressed the young
man: while he was sick, she said, she had vowed
for him that as soon as he had recovered she would
initiate him into the Bacchic rites ; being compelled,
by the kindness of the gods, to pay her vow,^ she
wished to fulfil it. For ten davs, she continued, he
must practise continence : on the tenth day she
would conduct him to the banquet and then, after
ritual purification,* to the shrine. There was a well-

^ Paulus Diaconus (p. 248) defines pure lautum as aqua
pura lautum,

243
r2

LIVY

5 ram. Scortum nobile libertina Hispala Faecenia, non
digna quaestu cui ancillula adsuerat, etiam postquam

6 manumissa erat, eodem se genere tuebatur. Huic
consuetude iuxta vicinitatem cum Aebutio fuit,
minime adulescentis aut ^ rei aut famae damnosa :
ultro enim amatus appetitusque erat et maligne
omnia praebentibus suis meretriculae munificentia

7 sustinebatur. Quin eo processerat consuetudine
capta ut post patroni mortem, quia in nullius manu
erat, tutore ab tribunis et praetore petito, cum testa-
mentum faceret.unum Aebutium institueret heredem.

X. Haec amoris pignora cum essent, nee quicquam
secretum alter ab altero haberent, per locum adules-
cens vetat eam mirari, si per aliquot noctes secu-

2 buisset : religionis se causa ut voto pro valetudine
sua facto liberetur, Bacchis initiari velle. Id ubi
mulier audivit, perturbata " dii meliora!" inquit :
mori et sibi et illi satius esse quam id faceret ; et in
caput eorum detestari minas periculaque, qui id

3 suasissent. Admiratus cum verba tum perturbatio-
nem tantam adulescens parcere exsecrationibus iubet :

4 matrem id sibi adsentiente vitrico imperasse. " Vi-

^ aut ed. Frobeniana 1535 : om. M~.

^ i.e., worthy of something better.

2 A freedwoman was subject to the manus of her patron,
who was often her former owner. Faecenia had no patron
and no relative who would naturally assume the responsibilities
of guardianship, and could therefore petition the praetor and
the tribunes jointly for the appointment of a tutor, whose
approval was necessary to the performance of any legal act,
such as making a will.

244

BOOK XXXIX. IX. 4-x. 4

known courtesan, a freedwoman named Hispala b.c. IS6
Faecenia, not worthy ^ of the occupation to which,
while still a mere slave, she had accustomed herself,
and even after she had been manumitted she main-
tained herself in the same way. Between her and
Aebutius, since they were neighbours, an intimacy
developed, not at all damaging either to the young
man's fortune or to his reputation ; for he had been
loved and sought out without any effort on his part,
and, since his ow^n relatives made provision for all his
needs on a very small scale, he was maintained by
the generosity of the courtesan. More than that,
she had gone so far, under the influence of their
intimacy, that, after the death of her patron, since
she was under the legal control of no one, having
petitioned the tribunes and the praetor for a guardian,
w^hen she made her will she had instituted Aebutius
as her sole heir.^

X. Since there were these bonds of affection be-
tween them, and neither had any secrets from the
other, the young man jestingly told her not to be
surprised if he were away from her for several nights :
as a matter of religious duty, he said, to free himself
from a vow made for the sake of his health, he
intended to be initiated in the Bacchic rites. When
the woman heard this she exclaimed in great distress,
" The gods forbid ! " She said that it would be much
better both for him and for her to die rather than
do that ; and she called down curses and vengeance
upon the heads of those persons who had given him
this counsel. Wondering both at her language and
at her so manifest distress, the young man bade her
spare her curses : it was his mother, he said, with
the approval of his stepfather, who had ordered it.

245

LIVY

tricus ergo " inquit " tuus — matrem enim insimu-
lare forsitan fas non sit — pudicitiam famam spem
vitamque tuam perditum ire hoc facto properat."

5 Eo magis mirabundo quaerentique quid rei esset,
pacem veniamque precata deorum dearumque, si
coacta caritate eius silenda enuntiasset, ancillam se
ait dominae comitem id sacrarium intrasse, liberam

6 numquam eo accessisse. Scire corruptelarum omnis
generis earn officinam esse : et iam biennio constare

7 neminem initiatum ibi maiorem annis viginti. Ut
quisque introductus sit, velut ^ictimam tradi sacerdo-
tibus. Eos deducere in locum, qui circumsonet
ululatibus cantuque symphoniae et cymbalorum et
tvmpanorum pulsu, ne vox quiritantis,^ cum per vim

8 stuprum inferatur. exaudiri possit. Orare inde atque
obsecrare ut eam rem quocumque modo discuteret
nee se eo praecipitaret. ubi omnia infanda patienda

9 primum, deinde facienda essent. Xeque ante dimisit
eum quam Mem dedit adulescens ab his sacris se
temperaturum.

XL Postquam domum venit, et mater mentionem
intulit. quid eo die, quid deinceps ceteris, quae ad
sacra pertinerent, faciendum esset, negat eorum se
quicquam facturum nee initiari sibi in animo esse.
2 Aderat sermoni vitricus. Confestim muUer exclamat
Hispalae concubitu carere eum decem noctes non

^ quiritantis ed. Parisina 1513 : quaeritantis r.
246

BOOK XXXIX. X. 4-xi. 2

"Your stepfather, then," she replied, "is making b.c. I86
haste — for perhaps it is not right to accuse your
mother — to destroy in this way your virtue, your
reputation and your Ufe." As he marvelled the
more and asked her what she meant, beseeching gods
and goddesses for peace and forgiveness if, compelled
by her love for him, she had declared what should
be concealed, she told him that while she was a slave
she had attended her mistress to that shrine, but
that as a free woman she had never visited it. She
knew, she said, that it was the factory of all sorts of
corruptions ; and it was kno\vTi that for two years
now no one had been initiated who had passed the
age of twenty years. As each was introduced, he
became a sort of victim for the priests. They, she
continued, would lead him to a place which would
ring with howls and the song of a choir and the
beating of cymbals and drums, that the voice of the
sufferer, when his virtue was violently attacked,
might not be heard. Then she begged and besought
him to put an end to this matter in any way he
could and not to plunge into a situation where all
disgraceful practices would have first to be endured
and then performed. Nor would she let him go
until the young man gave her his promise that he
would have nothing to do with those mysteries. /^"^

XI. When he came home and his mother began
to tell him what he had to do that day and on the
following days in connection with the rites, he in-
formed her that he would do none of them and that
it was not his intention to be initiated. His step-
father was present at the interview. Straightway
the woman exclaimed that he could not do without
his mistress Hispala for ten nights ; infected with the

247

posse ; illius excetrae ^ delenimentis et venenis im-
butum nee parentis nee vitrici nee deorum vere-
cundiam habere. lur^antes hinc mater, hinc vitricus

3 cum quattuor eum servis domo exegerunt. Adu-
lescens inde ad Aebutiam se amitam contulit, cau-
samque ei, cur esset a matre eieetus, narravit, deinde
ex auctoritate eius postero die ad consulem Postu-

4 mium arbitris remotis rem detulit. Consul post diem
tertium redire ad se iussum dimisit ; ipse Sulpiciam
gravem feminam, socrum suam, percunctatus est,

5 ecquam anum Aebutiam ex Aventino nosset. Cum
ea nosse probam et antiqui moris feminam respondis-
set, opus esse sibi ea conventa dixit : mitteret nun-

f) tium ad eam. ut veniret. Aebutia accita ad Sulpi-
ciam venit et consul paulo post, velut forte inter-
venisset, sermonem de Aebutio fratris eius filio infert.

7 Lacrimae mulieri obortae et miserari casum adu-
lescentis coepit, qui spoliatus fortunis, a quibus
minime oporteret, apud se tunc esset. eieetus a
matre. quod probus adulescens — dii propitii essent —
obscenis, ut fama esset, sacris initiari nollet.

XII. Satis exploratum de Aebutio ratus consul non
vanum auctorem esse, Aebutia dimissa socrum rog:at
ut Hispalam indidem ex Aventino libertinam, non
ignotam \iciniae, arcesseret ad sese : eam quoque

2 esse quae ^ percunctari vellet. Ad cuius nuntium

^ excetrae ed. Frobeniana 1531 : exterae r.
2 quae ed. Frobeniana 1531 : quam r.

^ The prayer is due to the fear that the compliment might
provoke the jealousy of the gods.

248

BOOK XXXIX. XI. 2-xii. 2

enchantments and poisons of that vampire, he had no b.
respect for his mother or his stepfather or yet the
gods. Berating him thus, his mother on one side,
his stepfather with four slaves on the other, drove
him from the house. The young man thereupon
went to his aunt Aebutia and explained to her the
reason why his mother had driven him out, and on
her recommendation the following day reported the
affair to the consul Postumius with no witnesses
present. The consul sent him away with instruc
tions to return the third day ; he himself asked his
mother-in-law Sulpicia, a woman of high character,
whether she was acquainted with an elderly woman,
Aebutia, from the Aventine. When she replied that
she knew that she was a virtuous woman of the old
style, he said that he felt the need of an interview
with her : Sulpicia should send her a message to
come. Aebutia, summoned by Sulpicia, came, and
a little later the consul, as if he had come in by
chance, brought in an allusion to Aebutius, the son
of her brother. Tears flowed from the woman's eyes,
and she began to bewail the fate of the young man
who was robbed of his estate by those who should
least of all have treated him thus, and who was then
at her house, driven from home by his mother because
the virtuous youth — might the gods be gracious ^ —
refused to be initiated into rites which, if reports
were to be believed, were full of lewdness.

XII. The consul, thinking that he had learned
enough about Aebutius to trust his story, sent
Aebutia away and asked his mother-in-law to sum-
mon to her Hispala, also from the Aventine, a freed-
woman and no stranger in the neighbourhood: he
wished to ask her also certain questions. Hispala,

249

LIVY

perturbata Hispala. quod ad tarn nobilem et gravem
feminam ignara causae arcesseretur. postquam lie-
tores in vestibulo turbamque consularem et consulem

3 ipsum conspexit, prope exanimata est. In interio-
rem partem aedium abductam socru adhibita consul,
si vera dicere inducere in animum posset, negat
perturbari debere ; fidem vel a Sulpicia, tali femina,

4 vel ab se acciperet : expromeret sibi, quae in luco
Stimulae ^ Bacchanalibus in sacro nocturno solerent

5 fieri. Hoc ubi audi\'it, tantus pavor tremorque
omnium membrorum mulierem cepit, ut diu hiscere

6 non posset. Tandem confirmata puellam admodum
se ancillam initiatam cum domina ait : aliquot annis,

7 ex quo manumissa sit, nihil quid ibi fiat scire. lam
id ipsum consul laudare, quod initiatam se non in-
fitiaretur : sed et cetera eadem fide expromeret.

8 Xeganti ultra quicquam scire, non eandem dicere, si
coarguatur ab alio, ac per se ^ fatenti veniam aut
gratiam fore ; eum sibi omnia exposuisse, qui ab ilia
audisset.

XIII. Mulier baud dubie. id quod erat, Aebutium

indicem arcani rata esse, ad pedes Sulpiciae procidit,

2 et eam primo orare coepit, ne mulieris libertinae cum

amatore sermonem in rem non seriam modo sed capi-

^ Stimulae Gronovius : simili et simulae et simul r.
2 per se ed. Moguntina : om. ~.

^ Stimula is identified with Semele, the mother of Bacchus.
The name is obviously appropriate. The grove was near the
Tiber and the Aventine.

250

BOOK XXXIX. XII. 2-xiii. 2

alarmed by her message, because without knowing b.c. 186
the reason she was summoned to so important and
respected a woman, when she saw the lictors in the
vestibule and the consul's retinue and the consul
himself, almost swooned. Conducting her into the
inner part of the house, with his mother-in-law pre-
sent, the consul told her that if she could bring her-
self to tell the truth she had no cause to feel alarmed ;
she would receive a pledge either from Sulpicia, a
woman of such standing, or from himself; she should
state to them what rites were usually performed in
the nocturnal orgies at the Bacchanalia in the grove
of Stimula,^ When she heard this, such fear and
trembling seized the woman in all her limbs that for
a long time she could not open her mouth. Being
at length restored, she said that when quite young
and a slave she had been initiated with her mistress ;
that for many years after her manumission she had
known nothing of what went on there. Then the
consul praised her on this ground, that she had not
denied that she had been initiated ; but she was to
tell, under the same pledge, the rest as well. When
she insisted that she knew nothing more, he told her
that she would not receive the same forgiveness or
consideration if she were convicted by the evidence
of someone else as if she had confessed of her own
accord; the man, he added, who had heard it from
her had told him the whole story.

XIII. The woman, thinking without a doubt, as
was indeed the fact, that Aebutius had revealed the
secret, threw herself at the feet of Sulpicia, and at
first began to plead with her not to try to turn the
chatter of a freedwoman with her lover into some-
thing that was not merely serious but even fatal:

251

talem etiam verti vellet : se terrendi eius causa, non

3 quod sciret quicquam, ea locutam esse. Hie Postu-
mius accensus ira turn quoque ait earn cum Aebutio
se amatore cavillari credere, non in domo gravissimae
feminae et cum consule loqui. Et Sulpicia attollere
paventem, simul illam ^ adhortari, simul iram generi

4 lenire. Tandem confirmata, multum incusata per-
fidia Aebutii, qui optime de ipso - meritae talem

5 gratiam rettulisset, magnum sibi metum deorum,
quorum occulta initia enuntiaret, maiorem multo
dixit hominum esse, qui se indicem manibus suis

6 discerpturi essent. Itaque hoc se Sulpiciam, hoc
consulem orare, ut se extra Italiam ahquo able-
garent,^ ubi reUquum \'itae degere tuto posset.

7 Bono animo esse iubere earn consul et sibi curae fore

8 dicere ut Romae tuto habitaret. Tum Hispala
originem sacrorum expromit. Primo sacrarium id
feminarum fuisse, nee quemquam eo virum admitti
sohtum. Tres in anno statos * dies habuisse, quibus
interdiu Bacchis initiarentur ; sacerdotes in \-icem

9 matronas creari solitas. PacuUam Anniam Cam-
panam sacerdotem omnia, tamquam deum monitu,
immutasse : nam et viros earn primam fiUos suos
initiasse. Minium et Herennium Cerrinios ; et noc-
turnum sacrum ex diurno, et pro tribus in anno
diebus quinos singulis mensibus dies initiorum fecisse.

1 illam r : etiam M.

2 de ipso Madvig : in eo ipso ~.

^ ablegarent ~ : amandarent 3/.
* statos Gelenius : statutes r.

One thinks of the Bacchae of Euripides.

BOOK XXXIX. XIII. 2-9

she had spoken thus for the purpose of frightening b.c 186
him, not because she knew anything. At this point
Postumius, inflamed with wrath, said that she be-
heved even then that she was jesting with her lover
Aebutius, and not speaking in the house of a most
respectable matron and in the presence of a consul.
Sulpicia too lifted up the terror-stricken woman, and
at the same time encouraged her and mollified the
anger of her son-in-law. At length regaining her
self-control, and complaining much of the treachery
of Aebutius, who had returned such gratitude to one
who deserved so well of him, she declared that she
feared greatly the wrath of the gods whose hidden
mysteries she was to reveal, but far more the wrath
of the men who would, if she informed against them,
with their own hands tear her limb from limb.
Accordingly she begged Sulpicia and the consul that
they would banish her somewhere outside Italy,
where she could pass the rest of her life in safety.
The consul bade her be of good cheer and assured
her that it would be his responsibility to see that she
could safely live in Rome. Then Hispala set forth
the origin of the mysteries. At first, she said, it was
a ritual for women,^ and it was the custom that no
man should be admitted to it. There had been
three days appointed each year on w^hich they held
initiations into the Bacchic rites by day ; it Mas the
rule to choose the matrons in turn as priestesses.
Paculla Annia, a Campanian, she said, when priestess,
had changed all this ; for she had been the first to
initiate men, her sons, Minius and Herennius Cer-
rinius ; she had held the rites by night and not by
day, and instead of a mere three days a year she had
established five days of initiation in every month.

253

LIVY

10 Ex quo in promiscuo sacra sint et permixti viri
feminis, et noctis licentia accesserit, nihil ibi facinoris,
nihil flagitii praetermissum. Plura virorum inter sese

1 1 quam feminarum esse stupra. Si qui minus patientes
dedecoris sint et pigriores ad facinus, pro victimis
immolari. Nihil nefas ducere, hanc summam inter

12 eos religionem esse. Viros, velut mente capta, cum
iactatione fanatica corporis vaticinari ; matronas
Baccharum habitu crinibus sparsis cum ardentibus
facibus decurrere ad Tiberim, demissasque in aquam
faces, quia \-ivum sulpur cum calce insit, integra

13 flamma efferre. Raptos a diis homines dici, quos
machinae ilUgatos ex conspectu in abditos specus
abripiant : eos esse, qui aut coniurare aut sociari

li facinoribus aut stuprum pati noluerint. Multitu-
dinem ingentem, alterum iam prope populum esse ;
in his nobiles quosdam \-iros feminasque. Biennio
proximo institutum esse, ne quis maior viginti annis
initiaretur : captari aetates et erroris et stupri
patientes.

XIW Peracto indicio advoluta rursus genibus pre-

2 ces easdem, ut se ablegaret, repetivit. Consul rogat

socrum ut aliquam partem aedium vacuam faceret

^ The torches probably contained the elements mentioned
in the form of a mixture of free sulphur and calcium sulphate,
which is still to be found in Italy. A torch of this composition,
if burning well, would not be extinguished by a brief or partial
immersion in water, so that the Bacchanals could perform
the feat mentioned if they were reasonably swift in their
movements. Calcium sulphate will not burn ; free elementary
sulphur burns, and we should probably translate vivum as
'"free" or " elementan,- "' and therefore "burnable." But
it is rather remarkable that Livy, who was not a scientist,
should have approached scientific fact so closely. I am
indebted for this information to Dr. E. Ward Tillotson,

254

BOOK XXXIX. XIII. lo-xiv. 2

From the time that the rit^s were performed in com- b.c. 186
mon, men mingUng with women and the freedom of
darkness added, no form of crime, no sort of wrong-
doing, svas left untried. There were more lustful
practices among men with one another than among
women. If any of them were disinclined to endure
abuse or reluctant to commit crime, they were sacri-
ficed as victims. To consider nothing MTong, she
continued, was the highest form of religious devotion
among them. Men, as if insane, with fanatical
tossings of their bodies, would utter prophecies.
Matrons in the dress of Bacchantes, with dishevelled
hair and carrying blazing torches, would run down
to the Tiber, and plunging their torches in the water
(because they contained live sulphur mixed with
calcium) w^ould bring them out still burning.^ Men
were alleged to have been carried off by the gods
who had been bound to a machine and borne away
out of sight to hidden caves : they were those who
had refused either to conspire or to join in the crimes
or to suffer abuse. Their number, she said, was very
great, almost constituting a second state ; among
them were certain men and women of high rank.
Within the last two years it had been ordained that
no one -beyond the age of twenty years should be
initiated : such ages could be involved in error and
also were ready to permit abuse.

XIV. Having finished her testimony, again falling
at their feet, she repeated the same prayers that
they should banish her. The consul asked his
mother-in-law to vacate some part of the house into

Assistant Director, and Dr. W. W. Duecker, Senior Industrial
Fellow, both of the Mellon Institute of Industrial Research
of the University of Pittsburgh.

quo Hispala immigraret. Cenaculum super aedes
datum est, scalis ferentibus in publicum obseratis,

3 aditu in aedes verso. Res omnes Faeceniae extemplo
translatae et familia arcessita, et Aebutius migrare
ad consulis clientem iussus.

Ita cum indices ambo in potestate essent, rem ad
senatum Postumius defert, omnibus ordine expositis,
quae delata primo, quae deinde ab se inquisita forent.

4 Patres pavor ingens cepit, cum publico nomine, ne
quid ^ eae coniurationes coetusque nocturni fraudis
occultae aut periculi importarent, tum privatim suo-
rum cuiusque ^ \-icem, ne quis adfinis ei noxae esset.

5 Censuit autem senatus gratias consuli agendas quod
earn rem et cum singulari cura et sine ullo tumultu

6 investigasset. Quaestionem deinde de Bacchanalibus
sacrisque. nocturnis extra ordinem consulibus man-
dant ; indicibus Aebutio ac Faeceniae ne fraudi ea
res sit curare et alios indices praemiis invitare

7 iubent ; ^ sacerdotes eorum sacrorum, seu viri seu
feminae essent, non Romae modo sed per omnia fora
et conciliabula conquiri, ut in consulum potestate
essent ; edici praeterea in urbe Roma et per totam

8 Italiam edicta mitti, ne quis qui Bacchis initiatus
esset coisse aut convenisse sacrorum causa velit, neu
quid talis rei divinae fecisse. Ante omnia ut quaestio

1 ne quid Geleniiis : quid r.

2 cuiusque Doering : quisque ~.
^ iubent r : iubet J/.

1 The cenaculura was an apartment on an upper floor,
with its own staimay to the street. In this house there
was also a stairway to the inside of the house.

256

BOOK XXXIX. XIV. 2-8

which Hispala might move. An apartment above b.
the house ^ was assigned to her, the stairs leading to
the street being closed up and an approach to the
house arranged. All the household goods of Faecenia
were at once moved and her slaves summoned, and
Aebutius was directed to move to the house of a
client of the consul.

When both witnesses were thus available, Pos-
tumius laid the matter before the senate, everything
being set forth in detail ; first what had been re-
ported, then what he had himself discovered. Great
panic seized the Fathers, both on the public account,
lest these conspiracies and gatherings by night might
produce something of hidden treachery or danger,
and privately, each for himself, lest some relative
might be involved in the mischief. The senate,
moreover, decreed that the consul should be thanked
because he had investigated the affair both with
great industry and without creating any confusion.
Then the investigation of the Bacchanals and their
nocturnal orgies they referred to the consuls, not as
a part of their regular duties ; they directed the
consuls to see to it that the witnesses Aebutius and
Faecenia did not suffer harm and to attract other
informers by rewards ; the priests of these rites,
whether men or women, should be sought out, not
only at Rome but through all the villages and com-
munities, that they might be at the disposal of the
consuls ; that it should be proclaimed in addition in
the city of Rome and that edicts should be sent
through all Italy, that no one who had been initiated
in the Bacchic rites should presume to assemble or
come together for the purpose of celebrating those
rites or to perform any such ritual. Before all, it

257

VOL. XI. S

LIVY

de iis habeatur, qui coierint coniuraverintve, quo
9 stuprum flagitiumve inferretur. Haec senatus de-
crevit. Consules aedilibus curulibus imperarunt ut
sacerdotes eius sacri omnes conquirerent, compre-
hensosque libero conclavi ad quaestionem servarent ;
aediles plebis viderent ^ ne qua sacra in operto fierent.
10 Triumviris capitalibus mandatum est ut vigilias dis-
ponerent per urbem servarentque ne qui nocturni
coetus fierent, utque ab incendiis caveretur; adiu-
tores trium\-iris quinque\'iri uls cis ^ Tiberim suae
quisque regionis aedifieiis praeessent.

X\'. Ad haec ofRcia dimissis magistratibus consules
in rostra escenderunt, et contione advocata cum sol-
lemne carmen precationis, quod praefari, priusquam
populum adloquantur, magistratus solent, peregisset

2 consul, ita coepit. " Nulli umquam contioni, Quirites,
tam non ^ solum apta sed etiam necessaria haec
soUemnis deorum comprecatio fuit, quae vos admo-
neret hos esse deos, quos colere venerari precarique

3 maiores vestri instituissent, non illos, qui pravis et
externis religionibus captas mentes velut furialibus
stimulis ad omne scelus et ad omnem libidinem

•4 agerent. Equidem nee quid taceam nee quatenus

^ riderent Gronovius : uidere r.

- uls cis Heusinger : uti cis et similia r.

3 tam non ~ : non M.

^ They were minor magistrates charged with assisting in
the maintenance of order.

2 It is not known whether these two boards of five, one
operating on the left bank [cis] of the river, the other on the
right bank [uls), were regular magistrates or posses of civilians,
organized in case of emergency. The form of the title, especi-
ally the ante-classical ids (standing for ultra much as cis is
used for citra), suggests an early origin.

BOOK XXXIX. XIV. 8-xv. 4

was decreed that an inquiry should be conducted b.c 186
regarding those persons who had come together or
conspired for the commission of any immorahty or
crime. Such was the decree of the senate. The
consuls ordered the curule aediles to search out all
the priests of this cult and to keep them under sur-
veillance, in free custody for the investigation ; the
plebeian aediles were to see to it that no celebration
of the rites should be held in secret. The task was
entrusted to the triumviri capitales ^ of placing guards
through the City, of seeing that no night meetings
were held, and of making provision against fire ; as
assistants to the triu7?iviri, the quinqueviri uls cis
Tiherim ^ were to stand guard each over the buildings
of his own district. ■"""^

XV. When the magistrates had been dispatched
to these posts, the consuls mounted the Rostra and
called an informal meeting^ of the people, and, when
the consul had finished the regular formula of prayer
which magistrates are accustomed to pronounce
before they address the people, he thus began :
" Never for any assembly, citizens, has this formal
prayer to the gods been not only so suitable but
even so necessary, a prayer which reminds us that
these are the gods whom our forefathers had appointed
to be worshipped, to be venerated, to receive our
prayers, not those gods who would drive our en-
thralled minds with vile and alien rites, as by the
scourges of the Furies, to every crime and every lust.
For my part, I do not discover what I should refrain
from telling or how far I should speak out. If you

^ Cf. XXXI. vii. 1 and the note. This meeting was called
simply to hear the news about the conspiracy and the measures
taken to suppress it.

259

s2

LIVY

proloquar invenio. Si aliquid ignorabitis, ne locum
neglegentiae dem, si omnia nudavero, ne nimLium

5 terroris offundam vobis vereor. Quidquid dixero,
minus quam pro atrocitate et magnitudine rei dictum
scitote esse : ut ad cavendum satis sit., dabitur opera

6 a nobis. Bacchanalia tota iam pridem Italia et nunc
per urbem etiam multis locis esse, non fama solum
accepisse vos sed crepitibus etiam ululatibusque noc-
turnis, qui personant tota urbe, certum habeo,

7 ceterum quae ea res sit, ignorare : alios deorum
aliquem cultum, alios concessum ludum et lasciviam
credere esse, et, qualecumque sit, adpaucos pertinere.

8 Quod ad multitudinem eoinim attinet, si dixero multa
milia hominum esse, ilico necesse est exterreamini,

9 nisi adiunxero qui qualesque sint. Primum igitur
mulierum magna pars est, et is fons mali huiusce
fuit ; deinde simillimi feminis mares, stuprati et
constupratores, fanatici, \-igiliis,^ \ano, strepitibus

10 clamoribusque nocturnis attoniti. Nullas adhuc \ires
coniuratio, ceterum incrementum ingens virium ha-
ll bet, quod in dies plures fiunt. Maiores vestri ne vos
quidem, nisi cum aut vexillo in arce posito comi-
tiorum causa exercitus eductus ^ esset, aut plebi
concilium tribuni edixissent, aut aUquis ex magis-
tratibus ad contionem vocasset, forte temere coire
voluerunt ; et ubicumque multitudo esset, ibi et

^ vigiliis Crevier : uigiles r.
- eductus Gruter : edictus r.

1 For the military character of the comitia centuriata, of
which the speaker is thinking, cf . XXXI. v. 9 and the note.

2 In the concilium ph.bis ; Livy generally seems not to
distinguish between this and the comitia trihuta, but the
problem is too complicated for discussion here.

260

BOOK XXXIX. XV. 4-1 1

are left ignorant of anything, I fear that I shall b.c. 186
leave room for carelessness ; if I lay bare everything,
that I shall scatter abroad an excess of terror. What-
ever I shall have said, be sure that my words are less
than the dreadfulness and the gravity of the situa-
tion : to take sufficient precautions will be our task.
As to the Bacchanalia, I am assured that you have
learned that they have long been celebrated all over
Italy and now even within the City in many places,
and that you have learned this not only from rumour
but also from their din and cries at night, which echo
throughout the City, but I feel sure that you do not
know what this thing is : some believe that it is a
form of worship of the gods, others that it is an
allowable play and pastime, and, whatever it is, that
it concerns only a few. As regards their number,
if I shall say that there are many thousands of them,
it cannot but be that you are terrified, unless I shall
at once add to that who and of what sort they are.
First, then, a great part of them are women, and
they are the source of this mischief; then there are
men very like the women, debauched and debauchers,
fanatical, with senses dulled by Makefulness, wine,
noise and shouts at night. The conspiracy thus far
has no strength, but it has an immense source of
strength in that they grow more numerous day by
day. Your ancestors did not wish that even you
should assemble casually and without reason, except
when the standard was displayed on the citadel and
the army was assembled for an election,^ or the
tribunes had announced a meeting of the plebeians,^
or some of the magistrates had called you to an
informal gathering ; and wherever there was a crowd
collected they thought that there should also be a

261

LIVY

legitimum rectorem multitudinis censebant esse de-

12 bere. Quales primum nocturnos coetus, deinde pro-

13 miscuos mulierum ac \"irorum esse creditis ? Si qui-
bus aetatibus initientur mares sciatis, non misereat
vos eorum solum, sed etiam pudeat. Hoc Sacra-
mento initiatos iuvenes milites faciendos censetis,

14 Quirites ? His ^ ex obsceno sacrario eductis arma
committenda r Hi cooperti stupris suis alienisque
pro pudicitia coniugum ac liberorum vestrorum ferro
decernent ?

XVI. " Minus tamen esset si flagitiis tantum
effeminati forent — ipsorum id magna ex parte
dedecus erat — a facinoribus manus, mentem a

2 fraudibus abstinuissent : numquam tantum malum
in re publica fuit, nee ad plures nee ad plura per-
tinens. Quidquid his annis libidine, quidquid fraude,
quidquid scelere peccatum est, ex illo uno sacrario

3 scitote ortum esse. Necdum ^ omnia in quae coniu-
rarunt edita facinora habent. Adhuc privatis noxiis,
quia nondum ad rem publicam ^ opprimendam satis
virium est, coniuratio sese impia tenet. Crescit et
serpit cotidie malum. lam maius est quam ut *
capere id privata fortuna possit : ad summam rem

4 publicam spectat. Nisi praecavetis, Quirites, iam
huic diurnae, legitime ab consule vocatae, par
nocturna contio esse poterit. Nunc illi vos singuli
universos contionantes timent : iam ubi vos dilapsi
domos et in rura vestra eritis, illi coierint, consulta-

^ his edd. vett. : iis r.
- necdum ed. Frobeniana 1535 : nee r.
^ rem publicam r : po. romanum {sic) M.
* quam ut Geleniii^ : quam r.

^ One thinks of the caustic remarks of Cato on the participa-
tion of women in public affairs (XXXIV. ii.-iv. passim).
262

BOOK XXXIX. x\'. ii-xvi. 4

legal leader of the crowd. Of what sort do you b.
think are, first, gatherings held by night, second,
meetings of men and women in common ? ^ If you
knew at what ages males were initiated, you would
feel not only pity for them but also shame. Do you
think, citizens, that youths initiated by this oath
should be made soldiers ? That arms should be
entrusted to men mustered from this foul shrine ?
Will men covered with the signs of their own de-
bauchery and that of others fight to the death on
behalf of the chastity of your wives and children ?

XVI. " Yet it would be less serious if their wrong-
doing had merely made them effeminate — that was
in great measure their personal dishonour — and
if they had kept their hands from crime and their
thoughts from evil designs : never has there been so
much evil in the state nor affecting so many people '
in so many ways. Whatever villainy there has been
in recent years due to lust, whatever to fraud, whal-
ever to crime, I tell you, has arisen from this one
cult. Not yet have they revealed all the crimes to
which they have conspired. Their impious compact
still limits itself to private crimes, since as yet it
does not have strength enough to crush the state.
Daily the evil grows and creeps abroad. It is already
too great to be purely a private matter : its objective
is the control of the state. Unless you are on guard
betimes, citizens, as we hold this meeting in the
day-time, summoned by a consul, in accordance
with law, so there can be one held at night. Now,
as single individuals, they stand in fear of you, gathered
here all together in this assembly : presently, when
you have scattered to your homes and farms, they
will have come together and they will take measures

263

LIVY

bunt de sua salute simul ac vestra pernicie : turn

5 singulis vobis universi timendi erunt. Optare igitur
unusquisque vestrum debet ut bona mens suis
omnibus fuerit. Si quern libido, si furor in ilium
gurgitem abripuit, illorum eum, cum quibus in omne
flagitium et facinus coniuravit, non suum iudicet esse.

6 Ne quis etiam errore labatur vestrum, Quirites,^
non sum securus. Nihil enim in speciem fallacius

7 est quam prava religio. Ubi deorum numen prae-
tenditur sceleribus, subit animum timor, ne fraudibus
humanis vindicandis di\'im iuris aliquid immixtum
\"iolemus. Hac vos religione innumerabilia decreta
pontificum, senatus consulta, haruspicum denique

8 responsa liberant. Quotiens hoc patrum avorumque
aetate negotium est magistratibus datum uti sacra
externa fieri vetarent, sacrificulos vatesque foro circo
urbe prohiberent, vaticinos ^ Ubros conquirerent
comburerentque, omnem disciplinam sacrificandi

9 praeterquam more Romano abolerent. ludicabant
enim prudentissimi viri omnis divini humanique iuris
nihil aeque dissolvendae religionis esse, quam ubi

10 non patrio sed externo ritu sacrificaretur. Haec
vobis praedicenda ratus sum, ne qua superstitio
agitaret animos vestros, cum demolientes nos
Bacchanalia discutientesque nefarios coetus cer-

^ Quirites Weissenbor7i : quidem et quod r.
2 vaticinos ed. Frobeniana 1531 : uaticinios M : etacmios
et al. r.

264

BOOK XXXIX. XVI. 4-10

for their own safety and at the same time for your b.c. isfi
destruction : then you, as isolated individuals, will
have to fear them as a united body. Therefore each
one of you should hope that all your friends have
been endowed with sound minds. If lust, if mad
ness has carried off anyone into that whirlpool, let
each consider that such a person belongs, not to
himself, but to those with whom he has conspired
to every wickedness and wrong. I am not free of
anxiety lest some even of you, citizens, may go
astray through error. Nothing is more deceptive in
appearance than a false religion. When the authority
of the gods is put forward as a defence for crime,
there steals upon the mind a fear lest in punishing
human misdeeds we may violate something of
divine law which became mixed up with them.
From this scruple innumerable edicts of the pontiffs,
decrees of the senate, and finally responses of the
haruspices free you. How often, in the times of our
fathers and our grandfathers, has the task been
assigned to the magistrates of forbidding the intro-
duction of foreign cults, of excluding dabblers in
sacrifices and fortune-tellers from the Forum, the
Circus, and the City, of searching out and burning
books of prophecies, and of annulling every system
of sacrifice except that performed in the Roman
way. For men wisest in all divine and human law
used to judge that nothing was so potent in
destroying religion as where sacrifices were per-
formed, not by native, but by foreign, ritual. I have
thought that this warning should be given you, that
no religious fear may disturb your minds when you
see us suppressing the Bacchanalia and breaking up
these nightly meetings. All these things, if the

265

11 neretis. Omnia diis propitiis volentibusque fa-
ciemus ; ^ qui quia suum numen sceleribus libidi-
nibusque contaminari indigne ferebant, ex occultis
ea tenebris in lucem extraxerunt, nee patefieri, ut
impunita essent, sed ut vindicarentur et oppri-

12 merentur, voluerunt. Senatus quaestionem extra
ordinem de ea re mihi collegaeque meo mandavit.
Xos quae ipsis nobis agenda sunt impigre exse-
quenaur : vigiliarum nocturnaruna curam per urbem

13 minoribus magistratibus mandavimus. \'os quoque
aequum est, quae vestra munia sunt, quo quisque
loco positus erit, quod imperabitur, impigre praestare,
et dare operam, ne quid fraude noxiorum periculi aut
tuniultus oriatur."

XVII. Recitari deinde senatus consulta iusserunt
indicique praemium proposuerunt si quis quem ad

2 se deduxisset nomenve absentis detulisset. Qui
nominatus profugisset. diem certam se finituros, ad
quam nisi citatus respondisset, absens damnaretur.
Si quis eorum, qui turn extra terram Italiam essent,
nominaretur, ei laxiorem diem daturos, si venire ad

3 causam dicendam vellet. Edixerunt deinde ne quis
quid fugae causa vendidisse neve emisse vellet ; ne
quis reciperet celaret ope ulla iuvaret fugientes.

4 Contione dimissa terror magnus urbe tota fuit, nee
moenibus se tantum urbis aut finibus Romanis con-

w

^ faciemus 5a«gr : ea faciemus r.
266

BOOK XXXIX. XVI. lo-xvii 4

gods are favourable and willing, we shall do ; they, b.c. ise
because they were indignant that their own divinity
was being polluted by acts of crime and lust, have
dragged these matters from darkness into the light,
nor have they willed that they should be discovered
in order that they might be unpunished, but that
they might be coerced and suppressed. The senate
has entrusted the investigation of this affair, by
extraordinary assignment, to my colleague and
myself. We shall zealously carry through what has
to be done by ourselves ; the responsibility of keeping
watch through the City we have entrusted to the
minor magistrates. For you too it is proper, what-
ever duties are assigned you, in whatever place each
one is posted, to obey zealously and to see to it that
no danger or confusion may arise from the treachery
of criminals."

XVII. Then they ordered the decrees of the senate
to be read and announced the reward to be paid the
informer if anyone had brought any person before
them or had reported the name of anyone who was
absent. If anyone was named and had escaped, for
him they would designate a fixed day, and, if he did
not respond when summoned on that day, he would
be condemned in his absence. If anyone was named
of those who were at that time outside the land of
Italy, they would fix a more elastic date if he wished
to come to plead his cause. They next proclaimed
that no one should venture to sell or buy anything
for the purpose of flight ; that no one should harbour,
conceal, or in any wise aid the fugitives.

When the meeting was dismissed there was great
panic in the whole City, nor was this confined only
to the walls or the boundaries of Rome ; but gradually

267

tinuit. sed passim per totam Italiam, litteris hos-
pitum de senatus consulto et contione et edicto

5 consulum acceptis. trepidari coeptum est. Multi ea
nocte, quae diem insecuta est quo in contione res
palam facta est. custodiis circa portas positis fugientes
a trium\"iris comprehensi et reducti sunt : multorum
delata nomina. Quidam ex iis viri feminaeque

6 mortem sibi consciverunt. Coniurasse supra septem
milia virorum ac mulierum dicebantur. Capita autem
coniurationis constabat esse M. et C. Atinios ^ de
plebe Romana et Faliscum L. Opicernium et Minium

7 Cerrinium Campanum : ab his omnia facinora et
flagitia orta, eos maximos sacerdotes conditoresque
eius sacri esse. Data opera,, ut primo quoque tem-
pore comprehenderentur. Adducti ad consules
fassique de se nullam moram indicio fecerunt.

XVIII. Ceterum tanta fuga ex urbe facta erat ut,
quia multi s actiones '^ et res peribant. cogerentur
praetores T. Maenius et M. Licinius per senatum
res in diem tricesimum differre, donee quaestiones a

2 consulibus perficerentur. Eadem solitudo. quia
Romae non respondebant nee inveniebantur, quorum
nomina delata erant, coegit consules circa fora

3 proficisci ibique quaerere et iudicia exercere. Qui
tantum initiati erant et ex carmine sacro, praeeunte
verba sacerdote, precationes fecerant, quibus ^

^ M. et C. Atinios Sigonius : m. et 1. catinios 31 : m.
catinium et similia r.

2 multis actiones 6V/e/2u/.s : multae santioncs r.

3 quibus H. J . Mueller : in quibus r.

^ Cases could not be tried because of the absence of one or
both parties to suits. The remedy adopted was the pro-
clamation of a iustitium for thirty daj-s : this suspended all
ordinary public and private business.

268

BOOK XXXIX. XVII. 4-xviii. 3

through all Italy, as letters were received from their
friends concerning the decree of the senate, con-
cerning the assembly and the edict of the consuls,
the terror began to spread. Many during the night
after the day when the revelation was made in the
meeting were caught trying to escape and brought
back by the guards whom the trmmviri had posted
at the gates : the names of many were reported.
Certain of these, men and women, committed
suicide. In the conspiracy, it was said, more than
seven thousand men and women were involved.
But the heads of the conspiracy, it was clear, w^ere
Marcus and Gains Atinius of the Roman plehs, and
the Faliscan Lucius Opicernius and the Campanian
Minius Cerrinius : they were the source of all
wickedness and wrongdoing, the story w^ent, and
they were the supreme priests and the founders of
the cult. It was seen to that at the first opportunity
they were arrested. They were brought before
the consuls, confessed, and asked for no delay in
standing trial.

XVIII. But so numerous were the persons who had
fled from the City that, since in many instances legal
proceedings and causes were falling through,^ the
praetors Titus Maenius and Marcus Licinius were
compelled, through the intervention of the senate,
to adjourn court for thirty days, until the investiga-
tions should be finished by the consuls. The same
depopulation, because at Rome men whose names
had been given in did not respond or were not found,
compelled the consuls to make the rounds of the
villages and there investigate and conduct trials.
Those who had merely been initiated and had made
their prayers in accordance with the ritual formula,

269

LR^Y

nefanda coniuratio in omne facinus ac libidinem
continebatur, nee earum rerum ullam,^ in quas
iureiurando obligati erant, in se aut alios admiserant,

4 eos in vineulis relinquebant ; qui stupris aut eaedibus
violati erant, qui falsis testimoniis, signis adulterinis,
subiectione testamentorum, fraudibus aliis con-

5 taminati, eos capitali poena adficiebant. Plures
necati quam in vincula coniecti sunt. Magna vis in

6 utraque causa virorum niulierumque fuit. Mulieres
damnatas cognatis, aut in quorum manu essent,
tradebant, ut ipsi in privato animadverterent in eas :
si nemo erat idoneus supplicii exactor, in publico

7 animadvertebatur. Datum deinde consulibus nego-
tium est ut omnia Bacchanalia Romae primum, deinde
per totam Italiam diruerent, extra quam si qua ibi

8 vetusta ara aut signum consecratum esset. In
reliquum deinde senatus consulto cautum est ne
qua Bacchanalia Romae neve in Italia essent. Si
quis tale sacrum sollemne et necessarium duceret,-
nee sine religione et piaculo se id omittere ^ posse,
apud praetorem urbanum profiteretur, praetor

9 senatum consuleret. Si ei permissum esset, cum in
senatu centum non minus essent, ita id sacrum
faceret, dum ne plus quinque sacrificio interessent,

^ ullam r : ulla res J/.

2 duceret ed. Parisina 1513 : duceret et ~.

^ id omittere Gdenius : id dimittere M : dimittere r.

^ Such punishments were inflicted by virtue of patria
potestas.

2 Their antiquity was their guarantee that they antedated

BOOK XXXIX. XVIII. 3-9

the priest dictating the words, in which the wicked b.c. I86
conspiracy to all vice and lust was contained, but had
committed none of the acts to which they were
bound by the oath against either themselves or
others, they left in chains ; upon those who had
permitted themselves to be defiled by debauchery
or murder, who had polluted themselves by false
testimony, forged seals, substitution of wills or other
frauds, they inflicted capital punishment. More
were killed than were thrown into prison. There
was a large number of men and women in both
classes. Convicted women were turned over to
their relatives or to those who had authority over
them, that they might be punished in private : ^
if there was no suitable person to exact it, the
penalty was inflicted by the state. Then the task
was entrusted to the consuls of destroying all forms
of Bacchic worship, first at Rome and then throughout
Italy, except in cases where an ancient altar or image
had been consecrated. ^ For the future it was then
provided by decree of the senate that there should
be no Bacchanalia in Rome or Italy. If any person
considered such worship to be ordained by tradition
or to be necessary, and believed that he could not
omit it without sin and atonement, he was to make
a declaration before the city praetor, and the
latter would consult the senate. If permission were
granted to him, at a meeting where not fewer than
one hundred were in attendance, he should offer
the sacrifice, provided that not more than five
people should take part in the rite, and that there

the abuse of the Bacchus worship and were free from its bad
features. In any case the Romans were inclined to respect
venerable age.

271

LIVY

neu qua pecunia communis neu quis magister
sacrorum aut sacerdos esset.

XIX. Aliud deinde huic coniunctum referente
Q. Marcio consule senatus consultum factum est. ut
de iis quos pro indicibus consules habuissent Integra
res ad senatum referretur, cum Sp. Postumius

2 quaestionibus perfectis Romam redisset. Minium
Cerrinium Campanum Ardeam in vincula mittendum
censuerunt. magistratibusque Ardeatium praedi-
cendum ut intentiore eum custodia adservarent, non
solum ne efFugeret. sed ne mortis consciscendae

3 locum haberet. Sp. Postumius aliquanto post Romam
venit : eo referente de P. Aebutii et Hispalae
Faeceniae praemio, quod eorum opera indicata

4 Bacchanalia essent, senatus consultum factum est.
uti singulis his centena milia aeris quaestores urbani
ex aerario darent ; utique consul cum tribunis plebis
ageret, ut ad plebem primo quoque tempore ferrent,
ut P. Aebutio emerita stipendia essent, ne invitus

1 The last clauses prevent a definite organization of the cult.
The decree, however, legalizes traditional rites in honour of
Bacchus and necessary individual acts of worship.

We are fortunate in possessing an inscription (CIL. I. 196),
containing, in the form of a letter addressed to the Teurani,
a federated state of Bruttium, the substance of the senate's
decisions (the celebrated Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalihus).
In general the statements of Livy agree with the inscription,
although the evidence of language gives no indication that
Livy saw the inscription.

2 The ultimate fate of Cerrinius is not recorded.

272

BOOK XXXIX. XVIII. 9-xix. 4

should be no common purse or master of sacrifices b.c. I86
or priest.^

XIX. Then another decree of the senate, alUed
to this, was passed on the motion of the consul
Quintus Marcius, that the entire question of those
whose services as informers the consuls had enjoyed
should be referred to the senate when Spurius
Postumius should have returned to Rome after com-
pleting the investigations. Minius Cerrinius the
Campanian they voted should be sent to Ardea for
imprisonment, advance notice being given to the
magistrates of the Ardeans that they should keep
especially close guard over him, not only to prevent
his escape but also to allow him no opportunity to
commit suicide. ^ Spurius Postumius returned to
Rome a considerable time later : on his motion
with reference to the rewards for Publius Aebutius
and Hispala Faecenia, because it was through their
information that the Bacchanalia had been discovered,
a decree of the senate was passed that to each of
them one hundred thousand asses ^ should be paid
by the city quaestors out of the treasury ; and that
the consuls should take up with the tribunes of the
people the matter of their presenting to the assembly
at the earliest possible moment proposals that
Publius Aebutius should be rated as having performed
his military service,* that he should not serve in the

^ This was the sum required for assignment to the first
census-class.

* The proposal to exempt Aebutius from his military
obligations is genuine, so far as one can see, but nevertheless
odd at this period, when military service was still a recognized
part of the citizen's duty. It cannot be determined whether
the exemption carried with it immediate eligibility to office,
since Aebutius had no political ambitions.

273
VOL. XI. T

militaret neve censor ei invito ^ equum publicum

5 assignaret ; utique Faeceniae Hispalae datio, de-
minutio, gentis enuptio, tutoris optio item esset,
quasi ei vir testamento dedisset ; utique ei ingenuo
nubere liceret, neu quid ei qui eam duxisset ob id

6 fraudi ignominiaeve esset ; utique consules prae-
toresque, qui nunc essent quive postea futuri essent,
curarent ne quid ei mulieri iniuriae fieret, utique
tuto esset. Id senatum velle et aequum censere ut

7 ita fieret. Ea omnia lata ad plebem factaque sunt
ex senatus consulto ; de ceterorum indicum impu-
nitate praemiisque consulibus permissum est.

XX. Et iam- Q. Marcius quaestionibus suae regionis
perfectis in Ligures provinciam proficisci parabat,
tribus milibus peditum Romanorum, centum quinqua-
ginta equitibus, et quinque milibus Latini nominis
peditum, ducentis equitibus in supplementum
2 acceptis. Eadem provincia, idem numerus peditum

^ censor ei invito Mommsen : censor licinius M : censores r.
2 et iam r : ita M.

^ The assignment of an equus publicum (cf. xlii. 6 and xliv. 1
below and the notes) would make Aebutius liable to service
and so cancel the exemption just granted. Service as a volim-
teer would be performed in the capacity of an eques equo
publico.

2 The interests of a jxitronv.s in the property of his libertws
were well protected by Roman law. Although the patrcrnus
of Faecenia was dead his interests survived, descending
in this case to his gen^s, and the senate therefore bestows
upon her the right to give away or otherwise alienate her
property irrespective of gentile rights {datio may be syn-
onymous with alimatio, the term employed by later jurists).
The proposal of some scholars to understand capitis with
deminutio, which would grant her the right to accept inferior
civic status, seems to be self-contradictorj'. But it is not
certain that 'Livy understood what he wrote.

274

BOOK XXXIX. XIX. 4-xx. 2

army except by his own act, that the censor should b.c. I86
not assign him a pubUc horse without his consent ; ^
that Hispala Faecenia should have the rights of
besto^\'ing and alienating property ,2 of marriage
outside her gens,^ and choice of a tutor just as if
her husband had given it to her by his will ; * that
she should be permitted to marry a man of free
birth, nor should any fraud or disgrace on this account
attach to a man who should have married her;
that the consuls and praetors who were at this time
in office and those who should follow them should
have a care that no injury should be done to this
woman and that she should be secure. The senate,
they were to say, wished and judged it proper that
this should be done. All these motions were
presented to the assembly and passed in accordance
wdth the decree of the senate ; with respect to the
impunity and rewards of the rest of the informers
discretion was left to the consuls.

XX. And by this time Quintus Marcius, having
completed the investigation in his district, was
preparing to set out against the Ligurians, who com-
posed his province, having received three thousand
Roman infantry and one hundred and fifty cavalry
and five thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry
of the allies of the Latin confederacy as reinforce-
ments. The same province and the same numbers

^ The conditions surrounding gentis enwptio are only
vaguely known. It is clear, however, that Faecenia is to
have the maximum of privilege allowed to women.

* A wife in manu might be granted this privilege by her
husband's will. By the bestowal of these four rights Faecenia
acquired a legal status at least not inferior to that of free
women generally.

275
t2

equituraque et collegae decretus erat. Exercitus
acceperunt quos priore anno C. Flaminius et M.

3 Aemilius consules habuerant.^ Duas praeterea le-
giones novas ex senatus consulto scribere iussi sunt,
et ^■iginti milia peditum sociis et nomini Latino
imperarunt et equites octingentos - et tria milia

•i peditum Romanorum, ducentos equites. Totum
hunc exercitum praeter legiones in supplementum
Hispaniensis exercitus duci placebat. Itaque con-
sules, dum ipsi quaestionibus impediebantur, T.

5 Maenium dilectui habendo praefecerunt. Perfectis
quaestionibus prior Q. Marcius in Ligures Apuanos

C est profectus. Dum penitus in abditos saltus, quae
latebrae receptaculaque illis semper fuerant, perse-
quitur, in praeoccupatis angustiis loco iniquo est

7 circumventus. Quattuor milia militum amissa, et
legionis secundae signa tria, undecim ^ vexilla
socium Latini nominis in potestatem hostium
venerunt, et arma multa, quae, quia impedimento
fugientibus per silvestres semitas erant, passim

8 iactabantur. Prius ^ sequendi Ligures finem quam

9 fugae Romani fecerunt. Consul ubi primum ex
hostium agro evasit, ne quantum deminutae copiae
forent appareret, in locis pacatis exercitiun dimisit.

• I Xon tamen obliterare famam rei male gestae potuit :

^ habuerant Madvig : habuerunt r.
^ octingentos r : mille trecentos J/.

^ undecim r : quadraginta J/, XL pro XI fortasse inter-
pretans.

* prius r : nee prius M.

^ Unless the last clause of the sentence depends upon
scribere above, despite the intervening clause, a verb has
dropped out, which I have supplied in the translation.

2 The term vexilla is used for variety only : it is more

276

BOOK XXXIX. XX. 2-IO

of infantry and cavalry had been decreed to his b.c. i86
colleague as well. They received the armies which
Gains Flaminius and Marcus Aemilius had com-
manded as consuls the preceding year. Besides,
they were directed, under the decree of the senate,
to enlist two new legions, and they called upon the
allies of the Latin confederacy for twenty thousand
infantry and eight hundred cavalry, and they enlisted
three thousand Roman infantry and two hundred
cavalry.^ All this army, except the legions, it was
resolved to send to reinforce the army in Spain.
Accordingly the consuls, while they were themselves
busy A\1th the investigations, placed Titus Maenius
in charge of conducting the levy. When the inves-
tigations were completed, Quintus Marcius set out
before his colleague against the Ligurian Apuani.
While he was following them into a retired glade,
which had always been their secret retreat and
hiding-place, he was surrounded on unfavourable
ground in a narrow pass which had been occupied
in advance. Four thousand soldiers were lost and
three standards of the second legion and eleven
ensigns ^ of the allies of the Latin confederacy fell
into the hands of the enemy, as well as many weapons
which were thrown away everywhere because they
hindered the flight along the paths in the forest.
The Ligurians desisted from their pursuit before the
Romans stopped their flight. As soon as the consul
got free of the enemy's country, that it might not
be seen how great was the loss, he disbanded the
army in a peaceful region. He could not, however,
erase the record of his defeat ; for the glade from

regularly used for the guidons of cavalry, while both Roman
and allied infantry carried signa.

277

LIVY

nam saltus, unde eum Licfures fugaverant. Marcius
est appellatus.

XXI. Sub hunc nuntium ex Ligustinis vulgatum
litterae ex Hispania mixtam gaudio tristitiam ad-

2 ferentes recitatae sunt.^ C. Atimus,^ qui biennio
ante praetor in earn pro\-inciam profectus erat, cum
Lusitanis in agro Hastensi signis collatis pugna^-it :
ad sex milia hostium sunt caesa, ceteri fusi et fugati

3 castrisque exuti. Ad oppidum deinde Hastam
oppugnandum legiones ducit : id quoque baud multo
maiore certamine cepit quam castra ; sed dum
incautius subit muros, ictus ex vulnere post dies

4 paucos moritur. Litteris de morte propraetoris
recitatis senatus censuit mittendum. qui ad Lunae
portum C. Calpurnium praetorem consequeretur,
nuntiaretque senatum aequum censere ne sine
imperio pro\'incia esset maturare eum proficisci.

5 Quarto die qui missus erat Lunam venit : paucis ante

6 diebus Calpurnius profectus erat. Et in citeriore
Hispania L. Manlius Acidinus, qui eodem tempore,
quo C. Atinius in provinciam ierat,^ cum Celtiberis

7 acie conflixit. Incerta victoria discessum est, nisi
quod Celtiberi castra inde nocte proxima moverunt,
Romanis et suos sepeliendi et spolia legendi ex

8 hostibus potestas facta est. Paucos post dies maiore
coacto exercitu Celtiberi ad Calagurrim oppidum

9 ultro lacessiverunt proelio Romanos. Xihil traditur,

1 recitatae sunt ~ : uenerunt J/.

2 C. Atinius Sigonius : c. catinius r.

3 provinciam ierat Gelenius : prouincia erat r.

^ Its position is unknown.
278

BOOK XXXIX. XX. lo-xxi. 9

which the Ligurians had driven him was called b.c. I86
" Marcius."^

XXI. About the time the news from the Ligustini
was published, dispatches from Spain were read,
bringing sorrow mingled with joy. Gaius Atinius,
who as praetor two years before had set out to that
province, had engaged in pitched battle with the
Lusitanians in the territory of Hasta: about six
thousand of the enemy fell and the rest were repulsed
and routed and stripped of their camp. He then
led the legions to assault the town of Hasta : this
too he took ^vithout much more of a fight than the
camp ; but while he was too carelessly approaching
the walls he was hit and a few days later died from
his wound. When the letter regarding the death
of the propraetor was read, the senate decreed that
a messenger should be sent to overtake the praetor
Gaius Calpurnius at the harbour of Luna and
announce to him that the senate deemed it proper
that he should hasten his departure, that the
province might not be left without a governor.
The messenger who was sent arrived at Luna on
the fourth day : Calpurnius had departed a few
days before. And in Nearer Spain Lucius Manlius
Acidinus, who had gone to the province at the same
time as Gaius Atinius, engaged in a battle with the
Celtiberians. Both sides withdrew with the result
indecisive, except that the Celtiberians moved their
camp from there the next night and gave the Romans
the opportunity to bury their dead and collect the
spoils from the enemy. A few days later, having
collected a larger army, the Celtiberians chal-
lenged the Romans to battle near the town of
Calagurris. It is not explained what cause made

279

LIVY

quae causa numero aucto infinniores eos ^ fecerit.
Superati proelio sunt : ad duodecim milia hominum
caesa, plus duo capta et castris Romanus potitur.
10 Et nisi successor adventu suo inhibuisset impetum
victoris, subacti Celtiberi forent. Novi praetores
ambo in hiberna exercitus deduxerunt.

XXII. Per eos dies, quibus haec ex Hispania nun-
tiata sunt, ludi Taurii per biduum facti religionis
causa. Decern deinde dies magno apparatu - ludos

2 M. Fuhius, quos voverat Aetolico bello, fecit. Multi
artifices ex Graecia venerunt honoris eius causa.
Athletarum quoque certamen turn primo Romanis
spectaculo fuit, et venatio data leonum et panthe-
rarum, et prope huius saeculi copia ac varietate

3 ludicrum celebratum est. Novemdiale deinde sacrum
tenuit, quod in Piceno per triduum lapidibus pluerat,
ignesque caelestes niultifariani orti adussisse com-
plurium levi adflatu vestimenta maxime dicebantur.

4 Addita et unum diem supplicatio est ex decreto
pontificum. quod aedis Opis in Capitolio de caeio
tacta erat. Hostiis maioribus consules procurarunt

5 urbemque lustraverunt. Sub idem tempus et ex

^ infirmiores eos edd. vett. : firmiores eos aut firmiores eos
non r.

- decern deinde dies magno apparatu Novak : decern
apparatos deinde r.

^ These games, instituted under the monarchy, were in
honour of the gods of the lower world.

- While the expression is vague, it would seem that there
was some special reason for celebrating these games at this
time.

280

BOOK XXXIX. XXI. 9-xxii. 5

them weaker after their numbers were increased, b.c, I86
They were defeated in the battle : about twelve
thousand men were killed and two thousand cap-
tured and the Romans gained possession of the
camp. And, if the arrival of his successor had not
prevented the victor from exploiting his success, the
Celtiberians might have been subdued. Both new
praetors led their armies into winter quarters.

XXII. About the time that these reports were
brought from Spain, the Taurian Games ^ were
performed for two days for religious reasons. ^ Then
for ten days, with great magnificence, Marcus
Fulvius gave the games which he had vowed during
the Aetolian war.^ Many actors too came from
Greece to do him honour. Also a contest of athletes *
was then for the first time made a spectacle for the
Romans and a hunt of lions and panthers was given,
and the games, in number and variety, were cele-
brated in a manner almost like that of the present
time.^ Then a nine-day feast took place because in
Picenum through three days there had been showers
of stones, and especially because flames shining in
the sky in many places were said to have set fire to
the garments of many when a light breeze blew
upon them. A one-day period of prayer was also
added by decree of the pontiffs because the temple
of Ops on the Capitoline had been struck by light-
ning. The consuls atoned for this with full-grown
victims and purified the City. About the same time

^ Cf. V. 7-10 above. If the emendation here adopted is
correct, Fulvius probably exceeded his appropriation of
80,000 sesterces there mentioned.

* They were probably boxers or wrestlers.

^ The Greek features of the games were marks of the
Greek culture of Fulvius.

281

LIVY

Umbria nuntiatum est semimarem duodecim ferme
annos natum inventum. Id prodigium abominantes
arceri Romano agro necarique quam primum
iusserunt.

6 Eodem anno Galli Transalpini transgress! in Vene-
tian! sine populatione aut bello baud procul inde, ubi
nunc Aquileia est, locum oppido condendo ceperunt.

7 Legatis Romanis de ea re trans Alpes missis respon-
sum est neque profectos ex auctoritate gentis eos,
nee quid in Italia facerent sese scire.

8 L. Scipio ludos eo tempore, quos bello Antiocbi
vo\'isse sese dicebat, ex collata ad id pecunia ab regi-

9 bus ci\-itatibusque per dies decem fecit. Legatum
eum post damnationem et bona vendita missum in
Asiam ad dirimenda inter Antiochum et Eumenem

10 reges certamina Valerius Antias est auctor : turn
collatas ei pecunias congregatosque per Asiam arti-
fices, et quorum ludorum post bellum, in quo votos
diceret, mentionem non fecisset, de iis post legationem
demum in senatu actum.

XXIII. Cum iam in exitu annus esset, Q. Marcius

absens magistratu abiturus erat, Sp. Postumius

quaestionibus cum summa fide curaque perfectis

2 comitia habuit. Creati consules sunt Ap. Claudius

Pulcher M. Sempronius Tuditanus. Postero die

^ Cf. the treatment of a similar creature reported at
XXXI. xii. 8.

- This is the first invasion of Italy over the eastern passes
of the Alps. Possibly these invaders were not Gauls, but
came from farther east.

^ Neither the vow nor the embassy is mentioned elsewhere
by Livy.

282

BOOK XXXIX. XXII. 5-xxiii. 2

it was reported from Umbria that a hermaphrodite b.c.
about twelve years old had been discovered. In
their fear and awe of this portent they ordered the
prodigy to be removed from Roman soil and killed
as soon as possible.^

In the same year Transalpine Gauls, crossing into
Venetia without any devastation or war, took pos-
session of a site for founding a town not far from
where x\quileia now stands. Roman ambassadors
sent across the Alps to inquire into the matter
received the reply that this party had not set out
\\4th the authority of the state, nor did they know
what they were doing in Italy. ^

Lucius Scipio at this time celebrated for ten days
the games which he said he had vowed during the
war with Antiochus, with money contributed for
the purpose by the kings and cities. Valerius
Antias is the authority for the statement that after
his condemnation and the sale of his property he had
been sent as an ambassador to Asia to resolve the
disputes between the two kings, Antiochus and
Eumenes : he adds that at that time the money was
contributed to him and artists collected throughout
Asia, and that finally, after his embassy, action was
taken in the senate about these games, of which he
had made no mention after the war in which he said
that they had been vowed. ^

XXIII. When the year was now coming to its
end, Quintus Marcius was about to retire from
office while absent from Rome and Spurius Pos-
tumius, having conducted the investigations with the
greatest faithfulness and energy, held the elections.
The consuls elected were Appius Claudius Pulcher
and Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus. Next day the

283

praetores facti P. Cornelius Cethegus A. Postumius
Albinus C. Afranius ^ Stellio C. Atilius Serranus L.
Postumius Tempsanus M. Claudius Marcellinus.

3 Extreme anni, quia Sp. Postumius consul renuntia-
verat peragrantem se propter quaestiones utrumque
litus Italiae desertas colonias Sipontum supero,

4 Buxentum infero mari invenisse, triumviri ad colonos
eo scribendos ex senatus consulto ab T.^ Maenio
praetore urbano creati sunt L. Scribonius Libo M.
Tuccius Cn. Baebius Tamphilus.

5 Cum Perseo rege et Slacedonibus bellum quod
imminebat, non unde plerique opinantur, nee ab
ipso Perseo causas cepit : inchoata initia a Philippo
sunt ; et is ipse, si diutius \-ixisset, id bellum gessisset.

6 Una eum res, cum ^icto leges imponerentur, maxime
angebat, quod qui Macedonum ab se defecerant in
bello, in eos ius saeviendi ademptum ei ab senatu

7 erat, cum, quia rem integram Quinctius in con-
dicionibus pacis distulerat, non desperasset impetrari

8 posse. Antiocho rege deinde bello superato ad
Thermopylas, di\'isis partibus, cum per eosdem dies

^ C. Afranius ed. Froheniana 1531 : c. arranius ~.

2 T. fd. Moguntina : 1. ~.

^ Liv^' omits to record the inauguration of the new magis-
trates and the assignment of provinces and armies.

- Livy here makes an abrupt transition from Rome to
Macedonia. His chronology-, however, is uncertain, as is
inevitable in a transitional passage designed to sum up the
causes of the war with Perseus, who, incidentally, was not
yet king. Livy has said little about Greek affairs since
he described the Achaean-Lacedaemonian difficulties in
XXXVIII. xxx.-xxxiv., where the chronology is also obscure.

2 The allusion must be to such states as the Orestae
(XXXIII. xxxiv. 6), although lAxy has mentioned no such
prohibition as that of which Philip complained, and, indeed,

284

BOOK XXXIX. XXIII. 2-8

praetors were chosen, Publius Cornelius Cethegus, B.c.ise
Aldus Postumius Albinus, Gaius Afranius Stellio,
Gaius Atilius Serranus, Lucius Postumius Tenip-
sanus, Marcus Claudius Marcellinus. At the end of
the year, because the consul Spurius Postumius had
reported that on his journeys in the prosecution of
the investigations on both coasts of Italy he had
found colonies abandoned, Sipontum on the upper
sea, Buxentum on the lower, three commissioners to
enroll colonists for them were elected in accordance
Avith a decree of the senate and under the presidency
of the praetor Titus Maenius. The commissioners
were Lucius Scribonius Libo, Marcus Tuccius,
Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus.^

The war ^ with King Perseus and the Mace- b.c. 185
donians which was threatening did not arise from
the causes which most people assign to it, nor from
Perseus himself: the beginnings had been made by
Philip ; and Philip himself, had he lived longer,
would have waged that war. One thing, when
terms of peace were dictated to him after his defeat,
especially offended him — that the right of punishing
those of the Macedonians who had revolted from
him during the war had been taken from him by the
senate, although, since Quinctius, in their negotiations
for peace, had postponed the whole question, he
had not despaired of obtaining it.^ Then, when
King Antiochus had been defeated at Thermopylae,
the tasks had been divided,* and at the same time

has said nothing at all of the treatment of revolted Mace-
donian cities except in the instance mentioned.

* For the phrase, cf. XXXVII. xxi. 8, where, as here, it
refers to co-ordinated action of commanders. The joint
campaign referred to was described by Livy in XXXVI. xxxv.

285

consul Acilius Heracleam, Philippus Lamiam oppug-

9 nasset, capta Heraclea quia iussus abscedere a

moenibus Lamiae erat Romanisque oppidum de-

10 ditum est. aegre earn rem tulerat. Permulsit iram
eius consul, quod ad Xaupactum ipse festinans, quo
se ex fuga Aetoli contulerant, Philippo permisit
Athamaniae et Amynandro bellum inferret, et ^
urbes, quas Thessalis Aetoli ademerant, regno ad-

11 iceret. Haud magno certamine et Amynandrum
Athamania expulerat et urbes receperat aliquot.

12 Demetriadem quoque. urbem validam et ad omnia
opportunam, et Magnetum gentem ^ suae dicionis

13 fecit. Inde et in Thracia quasdam urbes, novae
atque insuetae libertatis vitio seditionibus principum
turbatas, partibus, quae domestico certamine vin-
cerentur, adiungendo sese cepit.

XXI\'. His sedata in praesentia regis ira in
Romanes est. Numquam tamen remisit animum a
colligendis in pace viribus, quibus, quandoque data
2 fortuna esset, ad bellum uteretur. \'ectigalia regni
non fructibus tantum agrorum portoriisque maritimis
auxit sed metalla etiam et Vetera intermissa recoluit

^ et ed. Aldina : oin. r.

2 gentem ed. Ffobeniana 1535 : gentes ~.

^ The sequence of events here described does not quite
agree with that found in Book XXXVI pa-ssirn. The passages
agree in general as to the extent of Philip's gains, which had
awakened the suspicions of Flamininus (XXXVI. xxxv. 9-10).

2 The occupation of Aenus and Maronea had taken place
after the other events related, and has not been previously
mentioned by hivx. These towns had been at various times
under Ptolemaic, Macedonian and finally Seleucid rule before
thev were liberated bv the Romans after the defeat of
Antiochus (XXXVII. Ix. 7).

286

BOOK XXXIX. XXIII. 8-xxiv. 2

the consul Acilius had laid siege to Heraclea, Philip b.c. 185
to Lamia ; but when Heraclea was taken Philip had
felt aggrieved because he had been ordered to retire
from the walls of Lamia and the town had been
surrendered to the Romans. The consul soothed
his wrath, because, when he was himself in haste to
move towards Naupactus, whither the Aetolians had
gone from their flight, he had permitted Philip to
make war on Athamania and Amynander and to
add to his kingdom the cities which the Aetolians
had taken from the Thessalians. Without great
effort he had both driven Amynander from Athamania
and recovered a considerable number of towns.
Demetrias also, a powerful city, opportunely situated
in every respect, and the tribes of the Magnesians
he had brought under his control.^ After that he
had also gained certain cities in Thrace, amid the
disorder caused by the quarrels of their leading
citizens — the fault of new and unwonted liberty — by
joining himself to the parties which were being
worsted in this internal rivalry. ^

XXIV. By these means the anger of the king
against the Romans was temporarily assuaged.
Never, however, did he relax his attention to the
assembling in time of peace of strength which,
whenever the chance should be given, he could
use in time of war.^ He not only increased the
revenues of his kingdom from the farm crops and
the harbour duties, but also reopened old mines long

3 The true story of the alienation of Philip after the re-
conciliation during the war with Antiochus would be interesting
and revealing. We cannot, however, expect to find it in
Livy, and the narrative of Polybius is too fragmentary to
be very helpful.

287

3 et nova multis locis instituit. Ut vero antiquam
multitudinem hominum quae belli cladibus amissa
erat restitueret, non subolem tantum stirpis parabat
cogendis omnibus procreare atque educare liberos,

4 sed Thraeum etiam magnam multitudinem in Maee-
doniam traduxerat, quietusque aliquamdiu a bellis
omni cura in augendas regni opes intentus fuerat.

5 Rediere deinde causae, quae de integro iram move-

6 rent in Romanos. Thessalorum et Perrhaeborum
querellae de urbibus suis ab eo possessis, et legatorum
Eumenis regis de Thraciis oppidis per vim occupatis
traductaque in Macedoniam multitudine, ita auditae

7 erant ut eas non neglegi satis appareret. Maxime
moverat senatum, quod iam Aeni et Maroneae
afFectari possessionem audierant ; ^ minus Thessalos

8 curabant. Athamanes quoque venerant legati, non
partis amissae, non finium iacturam querentes, sed
totam Athamaniam sub ius iudiciumque regis

9 venisse ; et Maronitarum exsules venerant,"^ pulsi,
quia libertatis causam defendissent ab regio prae-
sidio : ii non Maroneam modo sed etiam Aenum in

^ iam A. et M. affectari p. audierant Gelenius : eum a.
et m. affectare p. audieret M : iam eum et maroniae affectari
p. audierant (-at) r,

^ venerant Crevier : erant ~.

^ The dangers attending Rome's policy in the east are here
manifest. The adversity of one eastern power inevitably
meant the prosperity of another, and constant vigilance on
Rome's part was necessary to ensure the maintenance of any
equilibrium. The fact that there was now no considerable
Greek power made the " liberation " of the Greeks more and

BOOK XXXIX. XXIV. 2-9

disused and began operations on new ones in many i
places. But that he might restore the ancient popu-
lation, which had been lost in the calamities of war,
he did not merely look to the natural increase of
the people, by requiring all to beget and rear
children, but he had transferred a great number of
Thracians to Macedonia as well, being for some
time free from wars and devoting all his thought to
increasing the resources of his kingdom. Then
causes recurred which aroused anew his anger
against the Romans. The complaints of the Thes-
salians and the Perrhaebians with regard to their
cities which were in his hands and those of the
envoys of King Eumenes with regard to his violent
occupation of the Thracian towns and the transfer of
the population to Macedonia had been so received
that it was plainly evident that they would not be
ignored.^ The senate had been especially moved
by the fact that they had heard that he now coveted
the possession of Aenus and Maronea ; they were
less concerned about the Thessalians. Athamanian
ambassadors had also arrived, complaining, not of
the occupation of part of their kingdom or of the
loss of territory, but that all Athamania had come
under the sovereignty and sway of the king ; ^
exiles of the Maroneans had also come, expelled
because they had defended the cause of liberty
against the king's garrison : they brought the news
that not only Maronea but also Aenus was in the

more a farce and prevented the Romans from developing a
Greek state which could check Philip in Europe as Eumenes
checked Antiochus in Asia.

2 This embassy must have antedated the recovery of
Athamania by Amynander (XXXVIII. i. 1-iii. 2), unless
Philip had again expelled him, and of this there is no record.

289

LIVY

10 potestate narrabant esse Philippi. \>nerant et a
Philippo legati ad purganda ea, qui nihil nisi permissu

11 Romanorum imperatorum factum affirniabant : civi-
tates Thessalorum et Perrhaeborum et Magnetum et
cum Amynandro Athamanum gentem in eadem causa

12 qua Aetolos fuisse ; Antiocho rege pulso occupatum
oppugnandis Aetolicis urbibus consulem ad recipien-
das eas civitates Philippum misisse ; armis subactos

13 parere. Senatus. ne quid absente rege statueret,
legates ad eas controversias disceptandas misit Q.
Caecilium Metellum M. Baebium Tamphilum Ti.

14 Sempronium. Quorum sub adventum ^ ad Thessalica
Tempe omnibus iis civitatibus. quibus cum rege
disceptatio erat, concilium indictum est.

XX\\ Ibi cum Romani legati disceptatorum loco,
Thessali Perrhaebique et Athamanes baud dubii
accusatores, Philippus ad audienda crimina tamquam

2 reus consedissent. pro ingenio quisque eorum, qui
principes legationum erant, et gratia cum Philippo

3 aut odio acerbius leniusve egerunt. In contro-
versiam autem veniebant Phihppopolis Tricca Pha-

^ adventum ed. Frobeniana 1535 : aduentu ~.

1 The various events which inspired these complaints had
extended over a considerable period of time, but may have
been forced upon Rome's attention simultaneously. One
can picture the bewilderment of the senate, forced to listen
to contradictory arguments and decide claims on the basis of
justice plus diplomatic policy, and being, probably, none
too familiar with the Greek language.

2 The negotiations between the Roman commanders
Baebius and Acihus and the king had been conducted in haste,
under the pressure of war-time conditions, and had probably
never been given definiteness by statement in written form.
It is by no means impossible that a liberal interpretation

290

BOOK XXXIX. XXIV. 9-xxv. 3

power of Philip.i Ambassadors too from Philip had b.c. i85
come to clear him on these counts, and they asserted
that he had done nothing except with the consent
of the Roman generals : ^ the cities of the Thessalians
and Perrhaebians and Magnesians and the people of
the Athamanians, including Amynander, had been
in the same situation as the Aetolians ; after the
defeat of King Antiochus the consul, kept busy with
besieging the Aetolian cities, had sent Philip to
recover the above-mentioned places ; subdued by
arms, they now obeyed him. The senate, in order not
to reach any decision in the absence of the king,
sent as commissioners to settle these disputes Quintus
Caecilius Metellus, Marcus Baebius Tamphilus,
Tiberius Sempronius.^ On their arrival at Thes-
salian Tempe all the states which had matters of
dispute with the king were summoned to a council.

XXV. There, when they had taken their places, '^
the Roman commissioners in the position of arbi-
trators, the Thessalians, Perrhaebians and Atha-
manians as unquestionably accusers, and Philip to
hear the charges almost as a criminal, each one of
the men who were chiefs of embassies, in accordance
with his own inclinations, whether towards sympathy
for Philip or towards hatred, made more harsh or
more lenient proposals. But the principal grounds
for controversy were Philippopolis, Tricca, Phaloria,

justified Philip in keeping what he had gained and that the
Roman problem at this time was how to take away, while
avoiding making Philip an enemy, what their generals had so
generously and thoughtlessly given.

3 Metellus is probably the consul of 206 B.C., Baebius the
praetor of 192 B.C. who had co-operated with Philip in the
early campaigns against Antiochus, Sempronins probably
the tribune of 187 b.c.

291
u 2

UVY

loria et Eurymenae ^ et cetera circa eas oppida,

4 utrum, Thessalorum iuris cum essent,^ vi ademptae
possessaeque ab Aetolis forent — nam Philippum
Aetolis ademisse eas ^ constabat — an Aetolica anti-

5 quitus ea oppida fuissent : ita enim Acilium regi
concessisse, si Aetolorum fuissent, et* si voluntate,
non si \\ atque armis coacti cum Aetolis essent.

6 Eiusdem formulae disceptatio de Perrhaeborum
Magnetumque oppidis fuit : omnium enim iura possi-

7 dendo per occasiones Aetoli miscuerant. Ad haec
quae disceptationis erant, querellae Thessalorum
adiectae, quod ea oppida, si iam redderentur sibi,

8 spoliata ac deserta redditurus esset : nam praeter
belli casibus amissos quingentos principes iuventutis in
Macedoniam abduxisse, et opera eorum in servilibus
abuti ministeriis ; et quae reddiderit coactus Thes-

9 salis, inutilia ut redderet curasse. Thebas Phthias

^ haec nomina, mv.ltimodis in codd. corrupta, corr. Gelenius,
2 essent Madvig : om. r.

^ Aetolis ademisse eas Gelenins : odisse ac dimisisse ea J/ :
ademisse eas r.

* et ed. Froheniana 1535 : oni. ~.

^ Tricca and Phaloria, as well as Malloea and Ericinium
in sect. 16 below, but not Philippopolis and Eurymenae, are
on the list of towns recovered from the Athamanians by
Baebius and Philip (XXXVI. xiii. 6).

2 This is inconsistent with the narrative quoted in the
preceding note.

^ The text of this passage seems to be corrupt in so many
places that the real meaning remains obscure and uncertain,
and no combination of emendations possesses both palaeo-
graphical and intrinsic probability. It is clear, however,
that the general question involved is the priority of Thessalian
and Aetolian claims to these towns. Two details make the
answer particularly difficult : first, the uncertainty as to the

292

BOOK XXXIX. XXV. 3-9

Eurymenae ^ and other cities near them, whether, b.c. iss
at a time when they were under ThessaUan control,
they had been forcibly seized and occupied by the
Aetolians — for it was agreed that Philip had taken
them from the Aetolians ^ — or whether these towns
had been Aetolian in earlier times ; for Acilius had
given them to the king subject to the condition that
they had belonged to the Aetolians and, further-
more, that they had joined with the Aetolians
voluntarily, not under compulsion of armed force.^
Under the same procedure the dispute was conducted
as to the cities of the Perrhaebians and Magnesians ;
for the Aetolians had confused all claims by seizing
them as opportunity offered.* Besides these ques-
tions, which w^ere matters for legal adjudication,
there were the complaints of the Thessalians that if
these cities should be restored to them he would
give them back after they had been despoiled and
abandoned ; for in addition to those who had been
lost in the hardships of war he had taken five hundred
of the leaders of the youth away to Macedonia and
was misusing their services on tasks fit only for
slaves ; and what he had restored to the Thessalians,
under compulsion, he had taken care to return un-
usable. Phthian Thebes, they said, had once been

meaning of the word antiquitus, since Aetolian expansion
seems to have begun only after the Macedonian conquest;
second, the fact that the condition said here to have been
imposed by Acilius has not been mentioned before. Both
text and translation, it must be admitted, are a patch-work.

* The incessant shifting of military control rendered im-
possible any purely legal adjudication of such questions
which could be regarded as final. Rome's decisions were
certain to offend some party and were likely to ofifend all
parties, even if they were purely impersonal and equitable.

293

LIVY

unum maritimum emporium fuisse quondam Thessalis
quae^tuosum et frugiferum : ibi navibus onerariis
comparatis regem, quae praeter Thebas Deme-
triadem cursum derigerent, negotiationem mari-

10 timam omnem eo ^ avertisse. lam ne a legatis
quidem, qui iure gentium sancti sint. violandis
abstinere : insidias positas euntibus ad T. Quinc-

11 tium. Itaque ergo in tantum metum omnes Thes-
salos coniectos, ut non in civitatibus suis, non in
communibus gentis conciliis quisquam hiscere audeat.
Procul enim abesse libertatis auctores Romanes :
lateri adhaerere gravem dominum, prohibentem uti
benefieiis populi Romani, Quid autem, si vox libera

12 non sit, liberum esse? Nunc se fiducia et praesidio
legatorum ingemiscere magis quam loqui. Nisi
provideant aliquid Romani, quo et Graecis Mace-
doniam accolentibus metus et audacia Philippo
minuatur, nequiquam et ilium victum et se liberates

13 esse. Ut equum tenacem, non parentem frenis

14 asperioribus castigandum esse. Haec acerbe pos-
tremi, cum priores leniter permulsissent iram eius

15 petentes ut ignosceret pro libertate loquentibus et
ut deposita domini acerbitate adsuesceret socium
atque amicum sese praestare, et imitaretur populum
Romanum, qui caritate quam metu adiungere sibi

16 socios mallet. Thessalis auditis Perrhaebi Gonno-

^ eo edd. veit. : in eo r.

^ This incident has not been mentioned.
294

BOOK XXXIX. XXV. 9-16

the one maritime market of the Thessalians which
was profitable and productive of revenue : by
assembhng there cargo-boats which would steer past
Thebes to Demetrias, the king had diverted thither
all the sea- trade. At last not even ambassadors,
who were inviolable under the law of nations, had
he refrained from attacking : he had laid an ambush
for them while they were on their way to Titus
Quinctius.^ As a result, then, they said, all Thes-
salians had been thrown into such a panic that no
one dared to open his mouth either in his own city
or in the common councils of the people. The
Romans, the source of their liberty, were far away :
close beside them was a threatening master, for-
bidding them to take advantage of the kindnesses of
the Roman people. What, pray, was free if there
was no free speech ? Even now, with the confidence
and under the safeguards of ambassadors, they were
lamenting rather than stating their case. Unless
the Romans found some device by which both the
fear of the Greeks who were neighbours of Mace-
donia and the aggressiveness of Philip could be
diminished, both his defeat and their liberation
would be in vain. Like a stubborn horse which
would not obey, more cruel reins must be employed
to control him. These remarks the last speakers
made in bitterness, although previous speakers had
gently soothed his wrath, begging that he would
pardon their pleas for liberty, that he would lay
aside the harshness of a tyrant and train himself to
act as an ally and friend, and that he would imitate
the Roman people, which preferred to win for itself
allies by affection rather than by fear. When the
Thessalians had been heard, the Perrhaebians argued

295

condylum. quod Philippus Olympiadem appellaverat,
Perrhaebiae fuisse, et ut sibi restitueretur, agebant ;
et de Malloea et Ericinio eadem postulatio erat.
7 Athamanes libertatem repetebant et castella Athe-
naeum et Poetneum.

XX\"I. Philippus. ut accusatoris potius quam rei
speciem haberet. et ipse a querellis orsus Mene-
laidem in Dolopia, quae regni sui fuisset, Thessalos
vi atque armis expugnasse questus est ; item Petram
in Pieria ^ ab iisdem Thessalis Perrhaebisque captam.

2 Xynias quidem, haud dubie Aetolicum oppidum, sibi
contribuisse eos ; et Paracheloida, quae sub Atha-
mania esset. nullo iure Thessalorum formulae

3 factam. Nam quae sibi crimina obiciantur de
insidiis legatorum et maritimis portubus frequentatis

4 aut desertis, alterum ridiculum ^ esse, se reddere
rationem, quos portus mercatores aut nautici petant,

5 alterum mores respuere suos.^ Tot annos esse per
quos numquam cessaverint legati nunc ad impera-
tores Romanos nunc Romam ad senatum crimina de
se deferre : quem umquam verbo violatum esse ?

6 Semel euntibus ad Quinctium insidias dici factas :
sed quid iis acciderit, non adici. Quaerentium quod
falso obiciant, cum veri nihil habeant, ea crimina

^ Petram in Pieria cd. Frobeniana 1531 : petram imperiam

2 ridiculum r : deridiculum M.

3 mores respuere suos Gronovius : mores pueros uos r.

^ This demand is inconsistent with Li vy's previous narrative.
Poetneum is otherwise unknown. For Athenaeum cf.
XXXVIII. i. 11.

296

BOOK XXXIX. XXV. 16-XXV1. 6

that Gonnocondylum, which Philip had named
Olympias, belonged to Perrhaebia and should be
restored to them ; the same demand was also made
for Malloea and Ericinium. The Athamanians
sought liberty and the forts of Athenaeum and
Poetneum.^

XXVI. Philip, so as to assume the pose of the
accuser rather than the accused, himself began with
complaints, alleging that the Thessalians had seized
by force of arms Menelais in Dolopia, which had
belonged to his kingdom ; similarly, Petra in Pieria
had been taken by the same Thessalians and the
Perrhaebians. Xyniae indeed, which was certainly
an Aetolian town, they had absorbed into themselves ;
and Parachelois, which was under Athamania, had
been made Thessalian under no rule of law. Now
as to the charges which they had made against him
regarding the ambushing of ambassadors and the
frequenting or deserting of maritime harbours, the
one, he said, was nonsense, that he should be account-
able for what harbours merchants or sailors would
seek, the other was inconsistent with his character.
It was so many years now that ambassadors had
never stopped going now to Roman commanders,
now to the senate in Rome, carrying charges against
him : who of these, he asked, had ever been harmed
even by word ? They said that once ambassadors
going to Quinctius had been ambushed; but what
had happened to them they did not add. These
were the allegations of men seeking some false
charge to make, since they had nothing true to say.

The discrepancies between these chapters and Livy's account
in Book XXXVI suggest that Livy here follows a different
source. The real facts become, in consequence, less attainable.

297

7 esse. Insolenter et inimodice abuti Thessalos indul-
gentia populi Romani. velut ex diutina siti nimis

8 a\-ide meram haurientes libertatem : ita ^ servorum
modo praeter spem repente manumissorum licentiam
vocis et lincpuae experiri et iactare sese insectatione

9 et con\-iciis dominorum. Elatus deinde ira adiecit
nondum omnium dierum solem occidisse. Id mina-
citer dictum non Thessali modo in sese, sed etiam

10 Romani acceperunt. Et cum fremitus post earn
vocem ortus et tandem sedatus esset, Perrhaeborum
inde Athamanumque legatis respondit eandem, de

11 quibus illi agant, civitatium causam esse. Con-
sulem Acilium et Romanes sibi dedisse eas, cum

12 hostium essent. Si suum munus qui dedissent
adimere velint, scire cedendum esse : sed meliori
et fideliori amico in gratiam le\-ium et inutilium

13 sociorum iniuriam eos facturos. Nee enim uilius
rei minus diuturnam esse gratiam quam libertatis,
praesertim apud eos, qui male utendo eam corrupturi

14 sint. Causa cognita pronuntiarunt legati placere
deduci praesidia Macedonum ex iis urbibus, et
antiquis Macedoniae terminis regnum finiri. De
iniuriis quas ultro citroque illatas querantur ^ quo
modo inter eas gentes et Macedonas disceptetur,
formulam iuris exsequendi constituendam esse.

^ ita ed. Froheniana 1535 : itaque ~.

2 querantur ed. FrobeniurM 1535 : querebantur r.

^ The expression has a proverbial sound; Philip's last
day had not come.

^ What boundaries are meant is uncertain : the treaty of
196 B.C. (XXXIII. XXX.) fixed them only vaguely and only
on the south. Roman decisions at this period frequently
and perhaps deliberately err in the direction of being too
sententious and consequently ambiguous.

298

BOOK XXXIX. xx^i. 6-14

Arrogantly and excessively did the Thessalians
misuse the indulgence of the Roman people, as if
after a long thirst they drank too greedily a draught
of pure freedom : thus, like slaves suddenly set free
contrary to their expectations, they were trying out
their freedom of voice and tongue and were making
a show of themselves by attacking and insulting
their masters. Carried away by anger, he added
that the sun of all his days had not yet set.^ This
remark not only the Thessalians took as a threat
against them, but the Romans also. And when
after this speech a roar of protest began and was
finally quieted, he replied next to the Perrhaebians
and the Athamanians, that the status of the cities
about which they were arguing was the same. He
claimed that the consul Acilius and the Romans had
given them to him because they were on the side of
the enemy. If they who had given them wished to
take away their gift, he was aware, he said, that he
would have to yield; but they w^ould be doing an
injury to a better and more loyal friend to gratify
fickle and useless allies. For nothing w^as gratitude
less enduring than for liberty, especially when
bestowed upon men who are certain to spoil it by
misuse. Having heard the case, the commissioners
gave judgment that it was their pleasure that the
Macedonian garrisons should be withdrawn from
these cities and that the kingdom should be reduced
to the ancient boundaries of Macedonia.^ Regarding
the injuries which they complained of as committed
by both sides, they would have to determine the
rule of procedure to be followed, so as to know in
what manner to settle the disputes between these
peoples and the Macedonians.

299

LHY

XXVII. Inde graviter offenso rege Thessalonicen
ad cognoscendum de Thraciae urbibus proficiscuntur.

2 Ibi legati Eumenis. si liberas esse Aenum et Maro-
neam velint Romani, nihil sui pudoris esse ultra
dicere quam ut adnioneant, re, non verbo eos liberos
relinquant, nee suum munus intercipi ab alio patian-

3 tur. Sin autem minor cura sit civitatium in Thracia
positarum, multo verius esse, quae sub Antiocho
fuerint, praemia belli Eumenem quam Philippum

4 habere, vel pro patris AttaU meritis bello, quod
adversus Philippum ipsum gesserit populus Romanus,
vel suis. quod ^ Antiochi bello terra marique laboribus

5 periculisque omnibus interfuerit. Habere eum prae-
terea decem legatorum in eam rem praeiudicium,
qui cum Chersonesum Lysimachiamque dederint,
Maroneam quoque atque Aenum profecto dedisse,
quae ipsa propinquitate regionis velut appendices

6 maioris muneris essent. Nam Philippum quidem
quo aut merito in populum Romanum aut iure
imperii, cum tam procul a finibus Macedoniae absint,
civitatibus his praesidia imposuisse ? \'ocari Maro-
nitas inherent : ab iis certiora omnia de statu
civitatium earum scituros.

7 Legati Maronitarum vocati non uno tantum loco
urbis praesidium regium esse, sicut in aliis civitatibus,

^ quod ed. Moguyitina : quo r.

^ By " another " they, of course, mean Philip. The words
have a peculiar sound on the lips of Eumenes, who had profited
so much from Rome's victor^- over Antiochus.

2 The commissioners who had been sent to Asia to formulate
the peace-treat^' with Antiochus.

3 Aenus and Maronea had apparently been in some way
overlooked in the final settlement with Antiochus.

* Philip's claim to these cities seems weak in comparison
with his rights to some of the other districts in dispute.
300

BOOK XXXIX. XXVII. 1-7

XXVII. Thence, having given serious offence tos.c. iss
the king, they proceeded to Thessalonica to inves-
tigate the condition of the cities of Thrace. There
ambassadors of Eumenes told them that if the
Romans wished Aenus and Maronea to be free, the
king's sense of propriety permitted them to say
nothing more, except to suggest that they leave them
free in fact and not merely in name, and not allow
their own work to be a source of gain to another.^
But if there were less concern for the cities situated
in Thrace, it was far more proper that towns which had
belonged to Antiochus should fall as prizes of war to
Eumenes rather than to Philip, either in considera-
tion of the services of his father Attains in the war
which the Roman people had waged against Philip
himself, or of his own services, in that he had taken
part, during the war with Antiochus, in all its labours
and perils on land and sea. They said that Eumenes
had in addition the preliminary opinion of the ten
commissioners ^ on the matter, who, since they had
given him the Chersonesus and Lysimachia, surely
gave him Maronea and Aenus too, which, from their
nearness to his country, were mere appendages to
the larger gift.^ In consequence of what service to
the Roman people, they asked, or of what right to
rule had Philip imposed his garrisons upon these
cities when they were so far away from the boundaries
of Macedonia ? '* Let the commissioners order the
Maroneans to be summoned : from them they
would receive all certain information about the
condition of these cities. ,^

The agents of the Maroneans, when called in, said
that the royal garrison occupied, not merely one
place in the city, as in other towns, but several at

301

dixerunt, sed pluribus simul, et plenam Macedonum

S Maroneam esse. Itaque dominari adsentatores

regies : his solis loqui et in senatu et in contionibus

licere ; eos omnes honores et capere ipsos et dare

9 aliis. Optimum quemque, quibus libertatis, quibus

legum cura sit, aut exsulare pulsos patria aut in-

10 honoratos et deterioribus obnoxios silere. De iure

etiam finium pauca adiecerunt : Q. Fabium Labeo-

nem, cum in regione ea fuisset, derexisse ^ finem

Philippe veterem viam regiam, quae ad Thraciae

Paroreian subeat, nusquam ad mare declinantem :

Philippum novam postea deflexisse \-iam,2 qua

Maronitarum urbes agrosque amplectatur.

XXVIII. Ad ea PhiUppus longe aliam quam ad-
versus Thessalos Perrhaebosque nuper ingressus
disserendi viam " non cum Maronitis " inquit
" mihi aut cum Eumene disceptatio est, sed iam
vobiscum, Romani, a quibus nihil aequi me impetrare
2 iam diu animadverto. Civitates \Iacedonum quae
a me inter indutias defecerant, reddi mihi aequum
censebam, non quia magna accessio ea regni futura

^ derexisse H. J. Mueller : direxisse r.

2 veterem . . . viam ut hoc loco legitur Gelenius : ueterem
regiam quae thraciae paroreiam sub ea nusquam ad mare

ferentem deflexisse uiam r.

^ The aristocratic party in a Greek city of this period was
generally pro-Roman, and the constitutions of Flamininus
(cf. XXXIV. li. 6; XXXV. xxxiv. 3 and the note) favoured
this element. It is interesting to note that the commissioners
feel no necessity of hearing from the opposing (democratic
and pro-Macedonian) party in Maronea.

- The meanmg seems to be that Labeo had established as a
boundary- between Macedonia and the territory surrendered
by Antiochus an old road which perhaps followed the general
course of the Roman Via Egnatia. Since the boundary- was

302

BOOK XXXIX. XXVII. 7-xxviii. 2

once, and that Maronea was full of Macedonians, b.
As a result, the king's partisans were in control :
they alone were permitted to speak, in the senate
and in the public meetings ; they either held them-
selves or gave to others all offices. All the aris-
tocrats, who felt some concern for liberty and the
laws, were either in exile, driven from their homes, or
were silent, unhonoured and at the mercy of their
inferiors.^ And as to the boundary rights, they had
j little new to say : only that Quintus Fabius Labeo,
I when he had been in that region, had fixed as the
boundary for Philip the ancient royal road which
leads to Paroreia in Thrace, nowhere approaching
the sea : Philip had later laid out a new road which
encompassed the cities and lands of the Maroneans.^
XXVm. In reply to this Philip followed a very
different line of argument from that recently used
against the Thessalians and Perrhaebians : "With
the Maroneans or with Eumenes," he said, " I have
no debate, but now, Romans, the debate is with you,
from whom I have for some time observed that I
receive no fair treatment. The cities of the Mace-
donians which had revolted from me during the truce ^
I deemed it right that I should recover, not because it
would be an important addition to my kingdom — for

probably described b}^ a term as vague as " a certain road,"
Philip had availed himself of the vagueness by relocating the
old road or building a new one which put Maronea on his side
of the boundary as thus described. But corruption in the
text and the lack of any other version of the affair leave the
true sense in doubt. It may be added that the authority of
Labeo to take such action as is here described (Livy has not
mentioned it before) is more than questionable.

3 Possibly the truce of 197 B.C. (XXXII. xxxvi. 8), but the
revolt has not been mentioned before.

3<^3

esset — sunt enim et parva oppida et in finibus ex-
tremis posita — sed quia multum ad reliquos Mace-

3 donas continendos exemplum pertinebat. Negatum
est mihi. Bello Aetolico Lamiam oppugnare iussus
a consule M'. Acilio cum diu fatigatus ibi operibus
proeliisque essem, transcendentem me iam muros a
capta prope urbe revoca\'it consul et abducere copias

•4 inde coegit. Ad huius solacium iniuriae permissum
est ut Thessaliae Perrhaebiaeque et Athamanum
reciperem quaedam castella magis quam urbes.
Ea quoque ipsa vos mihi, Q. Caecili, paucos ante dies

5 ademistis. Pro non dubio paulo ante., si diis placet,
legati Eumenis sumebant, quae Antiochi fuerunt
Eumenem aequius esse quam me habere. Id ego
longe aliter iudico esse. Eumenes enim non, nisi
\-icissent Romani, sed nisi bellum gessissent, manere
in regno suo non potuit. Itaque ille vestrum meri-

6 tum habet, non vos illius. Mei autem regni tantum
aberat ut ulla pars in discrimine fuerit ut tria milia
talentum et quinquaginta tectas naves et omnes
Graeciae ci\-itates, quas antea tenuissem, pollicentem
ultro Antiochum in mercedem societatis sim asper-

7 natus ; hostemque ei me esse prius etiam quam M'.
Acilius exercitum in Graeciam traiceret praetuli.
Et cum eo consule belli partem quamcumque mihi

8 delega\'it gessi, et insequenti consul! L. Scipioni, cum
terra statuisset ducere exercitum ad Hellespontum.
non iter tantum per regnum nostrum dedi, sed vias

1 Hannibal had urged that every means should be used to
■win over Philip (XXXVI. vii. 3 fif.f, but Livy has said nothing
to suggest that actual overtures were made to him by

Antiochus.

BOOK XXXIX. XXVIII. 2-8

they are small towns and, moreover, situated on the b.c.
farthest frontiers — but because it was a valuable
precedent for holding within bounds the other Mace-
donians. This was refused me. During the Aetolian
w^ar, ordered by the consul Manius Acilius to besiege
Lamia, after I had been wearied for a long time by the
siege and battles and when I was on the point of
scaling the walls, I was recalled by him from the city,
which was all but taken, and compelled to march my
troops away. As a consolation for this injustice it
was permitted to me to recover certain fortresses
(such they were rather than cities) of Thessaly and
Perrhaebia and the Athamanians. Even these,
Quintus Caecilius, you took away from me a few
days ago. Just now (heaven help us !) the ambassa-
dors of Eumenes assumed it as not to be gainsaid that
it was more just for Eumenes than for me to have
I what had belonged to Antiochus. I judge the matter
I far differently. Eumenes could not have remained
I in his kingdom, I do not mean if the Romans had not
' conquered, but if they had not undertaken the w ar.
And so he has received favours from you, not you
; from him. So far from true was it that any part of
my kingdom was in danger that when Antiochus
voluntarily promised me three thousand talents and
fifty decked ships and all the cities of Greece which I
had held before, as the price of my alliance,^ I refused ;
T I preferred to be his enemy even before Manius
Acilius brought his army across to Greece. And with
that consul I conducted whatever campaign he as-
signed to me ; and for the following consul, Lucius
Scipio, when he had decided to lead his army to the
Hellespont by land, I not merely gave him a right of
way through our kingdom but also paved roads, built

305

VOL. XI. X

LIVY

9 etiam munivi, pontes feci, commeatus praebui ; nee
per Macedoniam tantum, sed per Thraciam etiam,
ubi inter cetera pax quoque praestanda a barbaris

10 erat. Pro hoc studio meo erga vos, ne dicam merito,
utrum adicere vos, Romani, aliquid et amplificare et
au^ere regnum meum munificentia vestra oportebat
an. quae haberem aut meo iure aut beneficio vestro

11 eripere, id quod nunc facitis ? Macedonum ci\'itates
quas regni mei fuisse fatemini non restituuntur.
Eumenes tamquam ad Antiochum spoliandum me
venit et, si diis placet, decem legatorurn decretum
calumniae ^ impudentissimae praetendit, quo maxi-

12 me et refelli et coargui potest. Disertissime enim
planissimeque in eo scriptum est Chersonesum et
Lvsimachiam Eumeni dari. Ubi tandem Aenus et
^Iaronea et Thraciae civitates adscriptae sunt ?
Quod ab illis ne postulare quidem est ausus, id apud

13 vos, tamquam ab illis impetraverit, obtinebit ? Quo
in numero me apud vos esse velitis, refert. Si tam-
quam inimicum et hostem insectari propositum est,

14 pergite ut coepistis facere : sin aliquis respectus est
mei ut socii atque amici regis, deprecor ne me tanta
iniuria dignum iudicetis."

XXIX. Movit aliquantum oratio regis legatos.

Itaque medio response rem suspenderunt : si decem

legatorurn decreto Eumeni datae ci\'itates eae essent,

2 nihil se mutare ; si Philippus bello cepisset eas,

^ calumniae Gclenias : pecuniae calumniae ".

1 Philip's claims here are supported by LIva's narrative.
The commissioners had left his services entirely unrewarded.

2 The silence of the commissioners receives an interpretation
contradicting that of xxvii. 5 above.

306

BOOK XXXIX. XXVIII. 8-xxix. 2

bridges, furnished supplies ; and this not through
Macedonia alone but also through Thrace, where,
along with everything else, I had to maintain peace
with the barbarians. For this zeal in your behalf,
not to say for these services to you, was it right,
Romans, that you should add to and enlarge and
increase somewhat my domains by your generosity,
or that you should take away what I have, either by
my own right or by your kindness, as you are doing
now?i The cities of the Macedonians, which you
admit were part of my dominion, are not restored.
Eumenes has come to despoil me as if I were Antio-
chus, and (heaven help us !) he brings forward, by a
most impudent manipulation of the facts, the decree
of the ten commissioners, by which more than any-
thing else he can be both refuted and convicted. For
it was written therein most explicitly and clearly
that the Chersonesus and Lysimachia were given to
\ Eumenes. Where, pray, were Aenus and Maronea
\ and the Thracian cities assigned to him ? ^ What he
\ did not even dare to ask of them shall he obtain from
i you as if he had been granted it by them ? It makes
a difference in what category you wish me to be with
reference to you. If you have determined to harass
me as a private and public enemy, continue to act as
you have begun ; but if some consideration is due me
as an allied and friendly king, I beg you not to judge
me worthy of such an injury."

XXIX. The speech of the king affected the com-
missioners profoundly. Therefore they left the
question unsettled by an indecisive answer: if by
the decree of the ten commissioners these cities had
been assigned to Eumenes, they were making no
change ; if Philip had captured them in war, he should

307
x2

praemium ^■ictoriae iure belli habiturum ; si neutrum
eorum foret. cognitionem placere senatui reservari
et, ut omnia in integro ^ manerent, praesidia quae in
iis urbibus sint deduci.

3 Hae causae maxime animum Philippi alienaverunt
ab Ronianis, ut non a Perseo filio eius novis eausis
motum. sed ob has a patre bellum relictum filio videri

4 possit. Romae nulla Macedonici belli suspicio erat.
L. Manliu*^ procon<iul ex Hispania redierat ; cui
postulanti ab senatu in aede Bellonae triumphum
rerum gestarum magnitudo impetrabilem faciebat ;

5 exemplum obstabat quod ita comparatuni more
maiorum erat ne quis qui exercitum non deportasset
triumpharet, nisi perdomitam pacatamque pro'V'inciam
tradidisset successori. Medius tamen honos Manlio

• i habitus ut ovans urbem iniret. Tulit coronas aureas
quinquaginta duas, auri praeterea pondo centum

7 triginta duo. argenti sedecim milia trecenta. et
pronuntiavit in senatu decem milia pondo argenti et
octoginta auri Q. Fabium quaestorem advehere : id
quoque se in aerarium delaturum,

8 Magnus motus servilis eo anno in Apulia fuit.
Tarentum provinciam L. Postumius praetor habebat=

^ integro Gelenius : integrum r.

^ From Philip's standpoint this decision does not leave the
affair " in its original state," and one is not surprised that it
contributed to Philip's feeling that he -was being mistreated.
The opposite decision would have been equally unfair to the
other parties in the case. It is never made clear whether
the Maroneans wished to be given to Eumenes.

^ This is a variation on the form of statement adopted in
XXXVIII. i. 3; it is obvious that the senate has discovered
308

BOOK XXXIX. XXIX. 2-8

hold them as the prize of victory under the law of b.c. 185
war ; if neither of these was true, it was their pleasure
that the decision should be reserved for the senate
and, in order that everything might remain in its
original state, that the garrisons which w^ere in these
cities should be withdrawn.^

These were the principal causes which had turned
the thoughts of Philip away from the Romans, so
that the war can appear, not as begun for new reasons
by his son Perseus, but as a heritage from the father
to the son. At Rome there was no suspicion of a
Macedonian war. Lucius Manlius the proconsul had
returned from Spain ; when he demanded from the
senate, meeting in the temple of Bellona, a triumph
for his achievements, their importance made the
request reasonable ; precedent stood in the way,
because it had been so arranged by the custom of their
forefathers that a general who had not brought back
his army should not triumph unless he had handed
over to his successor a province thoroughly con-
quered and pacified.^ Nevertheless, the intermediate
distinction, of entering the City in ovation, was
granted to Manlius. Ke carried in his procession
fifty-two golden crowns, in addition to one hundred
and thirty-two pounds of gold and sixteen thousand
three hundred of silver, and he declared in the
senate that his quaestor Quintus Fabius was bring-
ing ten thousand pounds of silver and eighty of gold :
this too he would put into the treasury.

There was a serious slave insurrection that year in
Apulia. Lucius Postumius the praetor had Taren-
tum as his province. He conducted a strict investi-

the art of juggling with the conditions to suit its shifting
purposes.

9 Is de pastorum coniuratione, qui vias latrociniis
pascuaque publica infesta habuerant, quaestionem
severe exercuit. Ad septem inilia hominum con-
demnavit : multi inde fugerunt, de multis sumptum
10 est supplicium. Consules diu retenti ad urbem
dilectibus tandem in provincias profecti sunt.

XXX. Eodem anno in Hispania praetores C. Cal-
purnius et L. Quinctius, cum primo vere ex hibernis
copias eductas in Baeturia iunxissent, in Carpetani-
am, ubi hostium castra erant, progressi sunt, com-

2 muni animo consilioque parati rem gerere. Haud
procul Dipone et Toleto urbibus inter pabulatores
pugna orta est, quibus dum utrimque subvenitur a
castris, paulatim omnes copiae in aciem eductae sunt.

3 In eo tumultuario certamine et loca sua et genus
pugnae pro hoste fuere. Duo exercitus Romani fusi
atque in castra compulsi sunt. Xon institere per-

4 culsis hostes. Praetores Romani, ne postero die
castra oppug-narentur, silentio proximae noctis tacito

5 signo exercitum abduxerunt. Luce prima Hispani
acie instructa ad vallum accesserunt, vacuaque
praeter spem castra ingressi. quae relicta ^ inter
nocturnam trepidationem erant, diripuerunt, re-
gressique in castra sua paucos dies quieti stativis ^

6 manserunt. Romanorum sociorumque in proelio
fugaque ad quinque milia occisa, quorum se spoliis
hostes armarunt. Inde ad Tagum flumen profecti

7 sunt. Praetores interim Romani omne id tempus

^ relicta r : derelicta M.

2 quieti statiuis r : quietis hi statiuis J/.

1 The order for departure was given not by voice or trumpet

but by written message (per tesseram).

310

BOOK XXXIX. XXIX. 9-xxx. 7

nation into a conspiracy of shepherds who had b.c. 185
endangered the highways and the pubhc pasture-
lands by their brigandage. He condemned about
seven thousand men : many of them escaped, many
were executed. The consuls, long delayed in the
City by the levies, at length set out for their provinces.
XXX. The same year the praetors in Spain, Gains
(alpurnius and Lucius Quinctius, when in the be-
ginning of spring they had led their troops out of
winter quarters and had united in Baeturia, marched
into Carpetania, where the camp of the enemy lay,
and prepared to conduct the campaign with a
common plan and policy. Not far from the toA^ns of
Dipo and Toletum a fight broke out between foraging
parties, and as these were reinforced, each from its
own camp, gradually all the troops were drawn out
into the line. In this sudden engagement both the
familiar ground and the nature of the fighting
favoured the enemy. The two Roman armies were
routed and driven back into camp. The enemy did
not keep up their pressure on the defeated foe. The
Roman praetors, in order that their camp might not
be attacked the next day, in the quiet of the following
night with silent signals ^ led the army away. At day-
break the Spaniards approached the rampart in
battle-line and entering an empty camp, contrary
to expectations, plundered what had been left be-
hind in the confusion of the night, and returning to
their own camp remained quietly in their quarters
for a few days. About five thousand of the Romans
and allies fell in the battle and rout, and with their
spoils the enemy armed themselves. Then they
moved away to the river Tagus. Meanwhile the
Roman praetors spent all their time in collecting

Ln'Y

contrahendis ex chitatibus sociis Hispanorum auxiliis
et reficiendis ab terrore adversae pugnae militum

8 animis consumpserunt. Ubi satis placuere vires et
iam miles quoque ad delendam priorem ignominiam
hostem poscebat. duodecim milia passuum ab Tago

9 flumine posuerunt castra. Inde tertia vigilia sublatis
signis quadrato agmine principio lucis ad Tagi ripam

I'l pervenerunt. Trans fluviuin in colle hostium castra
erant. Extemplo, qua duobus locis vada nudabat
amnis, dextra parte Calpurnius, laeva Quinctius
exercitus traduxerunt quieto hoste, dum miratur
subitum adventum consultatque. qui tumultum
inicere trepidantibus in ipso transitu amnis potuisset.

11 Interim Romani. impedimentis quoque omnibus
traducti'- contractisque in unum locum, quia iam
moveri videbant hostem nee spatium erat castra

12 communiendi. aciem instruxerunt. In medio locatae ^
quinta Calpurnii legio et octava Quinctii : id robur
totius exercitus erat. Campum apertum usque
ad hostium castra habebant. liberum a metu in-
sidiarum.

XXXI. Hispani postquam in citeriore ripa duo
Romanorum agmina conspexerunt. ut. priusquam se
iungere atque instruere possent, occuparent eos,
castris repente eifusi cursu ad pugnam tendunt.

2 Atrox in principio proelium fuit, et Hispanis recenti
\-ictoria inflatis et insueta ignominia milite Romano

3 accenso. Acerrime media acies, duae fortissimae

1 locatae ed. Frdbeniana 1535 : locata r.

BOOK XXXIX. XXX. 7-xxxi. 3

auxiliaries from the allied towns of the Spaniards and b.c. 185
ill restoring the courage of the men after the panic of
the defeat. When their strength was sufficient and
even the soldiers were now demanding the enemy
in order to wipe out the previous disgrace, they
encamped twelve miles from the river Tagus.
Thence, breaking camp in the third waich, they
' marched in a hollow square at dawn to the banks of
the Tagus. Across the river on a hill was the camp
of the enemy. Immediately, where the river revealed
fords in two places, Calpurnius on the right, Quinc-
tius on the left, led the army across, the enemy
quietly watching while they marvelled at their sud-
den advance and talked about how they might have
caused confusion while the Romans were disorganized
in the act of crossing the river. Meanwhile the
Romans, having brought over all their trains and
massed them in one place, because they saw the
enemy already in motion and there was no opportun-
ity to fortify a camp, drew up their line of battle.
In the centre were posted the fifth legion of Cal-
purnius and the eighth of Quinctius : these constituted
the strength of the whole army. They had an open

plain as far as the camp of the enemy, free from any

danger of ambuscade.

XXXI. When the Spaniards saw the two Roman
columns on the nearer bank, in order to catch them
before they could unite and form their ranks, rushing
hastily out of their camp they hastened to the conflict.
There was a fierce fight at the outset, the Spaniards
on the one side being puffed up by their recent victory,
the Roman soldiers on the other incensed by their
unaccustomed defeat. The fiercest fight was in the
centre of the line, composed of the two bravest

3^3

legiones, dimicabant. Quas cum aliter moveri loco
non posse hostis cerneret, cuneo institit pugnare ;
et usque plures confertioresque medios urgebant.

4 Ibi postquam laborare aciem Calpurnius praetor \"idit,
T. Quinctilium Varum et L. luventiumTalnamlegatos
ad singulas legiones adhortandas propere mittit ;

5 docere et monere iubet in illis spem omnem vin-
cendi et retinendae Hispaniae esse : si illi loco
cedant, neminem eius exercitus non modo Italiam. sed
ne Tagi quidem ulteriorem ripam umquam ^ \-isurum.

6 Ipse cum equitibus duarum legionum paulum
circumvectus in cuneum hostium, qui mediam urge-

7 bat aciem, ab latere incurrit. Quinctius cum sociis '^
equitibus alterum hostium latus invadit. Sed longe
acrius Calpurniani equites pugnabant. et praetor ante

8 alios : nam et primus hostem percussit et ita se
immiscuit mediis ut \'ix utrius partis esset nosci

9 posset ; et equites praetoris eximia virtute et equi-
tum pedites accensi sunt. Pudor movit primos cen-
turioneS; qui inter tela hostium praetorem con-
spexerunt. Itaque urgere signiferos pro se quisque,
iubere inferre signa et confestim militem sequi.

]<j Renovatur ab omnibus clamor: impetus fit velut ex
superiore loco. Haud secus ergo quam torrentis
modo fundunt sternuntque perculsos, nee sustineri alii

11 super alios inferentes sese possunt. Fugientes in
castra equites persecuti sunt, et permixti turbae

1 umquam ed. Frobeniana 1535 : usquam r.

2 sociis Heusin^er : suis r.

BOOK XXXIX. XXXI. 3-1 1

legions. When the enemy saw that they could be b.c. 185
dislodged in no other way, they began to attack in
wedge formation ; and ever more men, more closely
massed, were pressing on the centre. After Cal-
purnius the praetor saw that the line was in distress
there, he sent Titus Quinctilius Varus and Lucius
Juventius Talna, the lieutenants, at full speed to
encourage the single legions ; he ordered them to
instruct and remind the troops that in them lay all
their hopes of victory and of holding Spain : if they
retired from that spot, no one in that army would
ever see — not to mention Italy — even the farther
bank of the Tagus river. He himself with the cavalry
of the two legions, making a short detour, took in
flank the wedge of the enemy which was pressing on
the centre. Quinctius with the allied cavalry at-
tacked the other flank of the enemy. But the cavalry
of Calpurnius fought far more furiously, and the
praetor beyond the rest : for he was both the first
to strike down an enemy and so threw himself into the
midst that it could scarcely be told to which side
he belonged ; and the cavalry were inspired by the
remarkable valour of the praetor and in turn inspired
the infantry. Shame moved the senior centurions
when they saw the praetor amid the weapons of the
enemy. And so each for himself urged on the stand-
ard-bearers, ordered them to advance and the
soldiers to follow at once. The shouting was re-
newed by all : an attack was launched as if from
higher ground. And so they swept forward like a
torrent and overwhelmed the panic-stricken enemy,
nor as they charged wave after wave could they be
resisted. The cavalry pursued the fugitives to the
camp, and mingling with the throng of the enemy

315

hostium intra vallum pcnetraverimt : ubi ab relictis
in praesidio castrorum proelium instauratuni, coacti-
que sunt Romani equites descendere ex equis.

12 Dimicantibus iis legio quinta supervenit ; deinde ut

13 quaeque potuerant, copiae adfluebant. Caeduntur
passim Hispani per tota castra ; nee plus quam
quattuor milia hominum efFugerunt. Inde tria milia
fere qui arma retinuerant montem propinquum
ceperunt ; mille semiermes maxime per agros palati

14 sunt. Supra triginta quinque milia hostium fuerant,
ex quibus tarn exigua pars pugnae superfuit. Signa

15 capta centum triginta tria.^ Romani sociique paulo
plus sescenti et pro\-incialium auxiliorum centum

\6 quinquaginta ferme ceciderunt. Tribuni militum
quinque amissi et pauci equites Romani cruentae
maxime \ictoriae speciem fecerunt. In castris
hostium. quia ipsis spatium sua communiendi non

IT fuerat, manserunt. Pro contione postero die laudati
donatique a C. Calpurnio equites phaleris, pronun-
tia\'itque eorum maxime opera hostes fusos, castra

IS capta et expugnata esse. Quinctius alter praetor
suos equites catelUs ac fibulis ^ dona\-it. Donati et
centuriones ex utriusque exercitu permulti, maxime
qui mediam aciem tenuerant.^

XXXII. Consules dilectibus aliisque quae Romae

agendae erant peractis rebus in Ligures provinciam

2 exercitum duxerunt. Sempronius a Pisis profectus

^ tria ed. Moguntina : duo r.

2 fibulis ed. Moguntina : fistulis r.

3 tenuerant Madvig : tenuerunt r.

^ The apparent meaning is that the losses of officers and
knights {i.e. men of rank) were disproportionately heavy.

316

BOOK XXXIX. XXXI. ii-xxxii. 2

made their way inside the rampart ; there the battle b.o. 185
was renewed by the troops who had been left to
guard the camp, and the Roman cavalry were forced
to dismount. While they were fighting thus the
fifth legion came up ; then, as they could, new
forces were joining the battle. Spaniards were being
slaughtered everywhere through the whole camp,
and not more than four thousand men escaped.
About three thousand of them, who had kept their
weapons, occupied a mountain near by ; a thousand,
most of them partially armed, straggled through the
fields. There had been more than thirty-five thou-
sand of the enemy, of whom so small a remnant
survived the battle. One hundred and thirty-three
standards were taken. Of the Romans and allies a
few more than six hundred fell, and of the auxiliaries
from the province about a hundred and fifty. The
loss of five tribunes of the soldiers and of a few
Roman knights particularly gave the appearance of a
bloody victory. 1 They remained in the camp of the
enemy because there had been no opportunity to
fortify their own. Before an assembly the next day
Gaius Calpurnius praised and decorated the cavalry
with trappings for their horses and proclaimed
publicly that the enemy had been defeated and his
camp taken and captured mainly through their
efforts. Quinctius, the other praetor, decorated his
cavalry with chains and clasps. Also many cen-
turions from both armies were honoured, especially
those M'ho had held the centre of the line.

XXXII. The consuls, having finished the levies
and the other business which had to be transacted in
Rome, led the army against the Ligurians, who con-
stituted their province. Sempronius, setting out

317

in Apuanos Ligures, vastando agros urendoque \icos
et castella eorum aperuit saltuni usque ad Macram

3 fluvium et Lunae portum. Hostes montem, anti-
quam sedem maiorum suorum, ceperunt ; et inde

4 superata locorum iniquitate proelio deiecti sunt. Et
Ap. Claudius felicitatem virtutemque collegae in
Liguribus Ingaunis aequavit secundis aliquot proeliis.
Sex praeterea oppida eorum expugnavit ; multa niilia
hominum in iis eepit ; belli auctores tres et quad-
raginta securi percussit.

5 lani coniitiorum appetebat tempus. Prior tamen
Claudius quam Sempronius, cui sors comitia habendi
obtigerat. Romam venit, quia P. Claudius frater eius

6 consulatum petebat. Competitores habebat patricios
L. Aemilium Q. Fabium Ser. Sulpicium Galbam,
veteres candidatos, et ab repulsis eo magis debitum

7 quia primo negatus erat honorem repetentes. Etiam
quia plus quam unum ex patriciis creari non licebat,

8 artior petitio quattuor petentibus erat. Plebeii
quoque gratiosi homines petebant, L. Porcius Q.
Terentius Culleo Cn. Baebius Tamphilus, et hi
repulsi in spem impetrandi tandem aliquando honoris

9 dilati. Claudius ex omnibus unus novus ^ candidatus

^ novus Gelenius : nobilis r.

^ They probably lived south-west of Genoa.

2 For the psychology of. XXXV. xxiv. 5.

3 The dates of the praetorships of the candidates were :
Claudius, 188; Aemilius, 191; Fabius, 189; Sulpicius, 187;
Porcius, 193; Terentius, 187 ; Baebius, 199 (all b.c). These
dates give some indication of the possible duration of a
political career at this period, and show that there were other

318

BOOK XXXIX. XXXII. 2-9

from Pisa against the Ligurian Apuani, devastating b.c i85
their lands and burning the villages and forts, opened
up the pass as far as the river Macra and the harbour
of Luna, The enemy retired to a mountain, the
ancient seat of their forefathers ; even from there,
the handicap of unfavourable ground having been
overcome, they were dislodged by an attack. Appius
Claudius too equalled the good fortune and valour of
his colleague among the Ligurian Ingauni ^ in a
number of victories. In addition he captured six of
their towns ; in them he took many thousands j^
men; forty-three, who had been responsible for the
war, he beheaded.

The time for the elections was now approaching.
But Claudius arrived in Rome earlier than Sempron-
ius, to whom had fallen by lot the conduct of the
elections, because his brother Publius Claudius was
seeking the consulship. He had as patrician com-
petitors Lucius Aemilius, Quintus Fabius, Servius
Sulpicius Galba, all perennial candidates, who after
defeats were again seeking an office which was due
them all the more because it had been at first refused. ^
Also, because it was not lawful that more than one
from the patricians should be elected, there was a
closer race among the four candidates. Influential
plebeians also were contending for the office, Lucius
Porcius, Quintus Terentius Culleo, Gnaeus Baebius
Tamphilus,^ and these too, having suffered defeat,
were filled with the hope that some day they would
at last ^ win in the election. Claudius was the
only new candidate of them all. In the general

hard-fought campaigns than those which Livy singles out
for special mention : cf . also XL. xxxvii. 6 below

* The combination tandem aliquando is highly colloquial.

erat. Opinione hominum haud dubie destinabantur

10 Q. Fabius Labeo et L. Porcius Licinus.^ Sed
Claudius consul sine lictoribus cum fratre toto foro
volitando. clamitantibus adversariis et maiore parte

11 senatus, meminisse eum debere se prius consulem
populi Romani quam fratrem P. Claudii esse : quin ille
sedens pro tribunal! aut arbitrum aut taciturn specta-
torem comitiorum se praeberet : — coerceri tamen ab

12 efFuso studio nequit. Magnis contentionibus tribu-
norum quoque plebis, qui aut contra consulem aut pro
studio eius pugnabant. comitia aliquotiens turbata,
donee pervicit Appius ut deiecto Fabio fratrem trahe-

13 ret. Creatus P. Claudius Pulcher praeter spem suam
et ceterorum. Locum suum tenuit L. Porcius Licinus,
quia moderatis studiis, non vi - Claudiana inter ple-

14 beios certatum est. Praetorum inde comitia sunt
habita : C. Decimius Flavus P. Sempronius Longus
P. Cornelius Cethegus Q. Xaevius Matho C. Sem-
pronius Blaesus A. Terentius \'arro praetores facti.

15 Haec eo anno, quo Ap. Claudius M. Sempronius
consules fuerunt, domi militiaeque gesta.

XXXIIL Principio insequentis anni P. Claudius
L. Porcius consules, cum Q. Caecilius M. Baebius
Ti. Sempronius, qui ad disceptandum inter Philip-
pum et Eumenem reges Thessalorumque civitates
2 missi erant, legationem renuntiassent, regum quoque
eorum civitatiumque legatos in senatum introduxe-
^ Licinus Sigcmius : licinius r. ^ yj Gelenius : ut ~.

^ The tribunal, was a platform erected in the Campus
Martius, from which the presiding magistrate conducted the
election.

2 The direct reference is to the activity of the consul in the
election, with more than a hint that such impetuosity was
characteristic of the gens Claudia.

320

BOOK XXXIX. XXXII. 9-xxxiii. 2

opinion of men Quintus P'abius Labeo and Lucius b.c. 185
Porcius Licinus were almost certain of success.
But the consul Claudius, without his lictors, flitting
M'ith his brother around the whole Forum, though his
adversaries and the greater part of the senate kept
crying out that he should remember that he was the
consul of the Roman people rather than the brother
of Publius Claudius (why should he not take his seat
on the tribunal ^ and act either as an umpire or else
as a silent spectator of the elections?), nevertheless
could not be restrained from his zealous canvass.
Great contentions among the tribunes of the people,
as well, M'ho took part in the fight either against the
consul or on his side, disturbed the elections several
times, until Appius succeeded in bringing in his
brother, Fabius being defeated. Publius Claudius
Pulcher was elected contrary to his own expectations
and those of others. Lucius Porcius Licinus held his
place because among the plebeians the contest was
conducted with moderate partisanship, not with
Claudian violence. ^ Then the praetorian elections
were held: Gaius Decimius Flavus, Publius Sem-
pronius Longus, Publius Cornelius Cethegus, Quintus
Naevius Matho, Gaius Sempronius Blaesus and Aulus
Terentius \^arro were chosen praetors. Such were
the events, at home and abroad, of the consular year
of Appius Claudius and Marcus Sempronius.

XXXIIL In the beginning of the following year, b.c. 184
when Quintus Caecilius, Marcus Baebius and
Tiberius Sempronius, who had been sent to arbitrate
between the kings, Philip and Eumenes, and the cities
of the Thessalians, had reported on their mission, the
consuls Publius Claudius and Lucius Porcius also
introduced into the senate the ambassadors of these

321

VOL. XI. Y

3 runt. Eadem utrimque iterata. quae dicta apud
legates in Graecia erant. Aliam deinde novam
legationem patres, cuius princeps Ap. Claudius fuit,
in Graeciam et Macedoniam decreverunt ad \'isenduin,
redditaene ci\-itates Thessalis et Perrhaebis essent.

4 lisdem mandatum. ut ab Aeno et Maronea praesidia
deducerentur, maritimaque omnis Thraciae ora a

5 Philippe et Macedonibus liberaretur. Pelopon-
nesum quoque adire iussi. unde prior legatio dis-
cesserat incertiore statu rerum quam si non venissent :
nam super cetera etiam sine response dimissi, nee

6 datum petentibus erat Achaeorum concilium. De
qua re querente graviter Q. Caecilio et simul Lace-
daemoniis deplorantibus moenia diruta. abductam
plebem in Achaiam et venumdatam, ademptas,
quibus ad eam diem civitas stetisset. Lycurgi leges,

7 Achaei maxime concilii negati crimen excusabant
recitando legem, quae nisi belli pacisve causa, et
cum legati ab senatu cum litteris aut scriptis mandatis

8 venirent. vetaret indici concilium. Ea ne postea
excusatio esset. ostendit senatus curae iis esse debere,
ut legatis Romanis semper adeundi concilium gentis

1 In chaps, xsiv.-xxix. above, Li"r\- said nothing about a
visit to the Achaean League b}- the commission headed by
Caecilius. In XXIII. xi. (XXII. xv.), however, Polybius
gives the same account as that which Livj,' gives here.

2 Cf. XXXVIII. xxxiv; the enslaved commons here are
apparently the adscrijAi of that chapter.

322

BOOK XXXIX. XXXIII. 2-8

kings and of the cities. The same arguments were b.c. 184
repeated on both sides that had been used before the
commissioners in Greece. Then the Fathers decreed
another new commission, of which Appius Claudius
was the chief, to go to Greece and Macedonia to see
whether the cities had been restored to the Thessal-
ians and Perrhaebians. They were also instructed
that the garrisons were to be withdrawn from Aenus
and Maronea and that the whole sea coast should be
freed from Philip and the Macedonians. They were
directed to visit the Peloponnesus also, from which
the previous commission ^ had come away leaving the
position of things more uncertain than if they had
not gone : for in addition to everything else they
had even been sent away without an answer, and the
Achaean council had not been summoned as they
requested. When Quintus Caecilius complained
bitterly of this conduct and the Lacedaemonians at
the same time lamented that their walls had been
destroyed, their common people taken away to
Achaia and enslaved, the laws of Lycurgus, on which
their state had been based up to that time, annulled,^
the principal reply of the Achaeans to the charge that
a council had been refused was to read the law which
forbade the calling of the council except when it was
a question of peace or war or when ambassadors
arrived from the senate with letters or written
instructions.^ That this excuse might not be given
again, the senate made it plain that it was their duty
to see that Roman commissioners should always have
the opportunity to address the council of the people,

^ It is nowhere made clear whether this was a law of the
council itself (cf. XXXI. xxv. 9) or a part of the treaty
between Rome and the League.

Y 2

potestas fieret, quern ad modum et illis quotiens
vellent senatus daretur.

XXXIW Dimissis iis legationibus. Philippus a suis
certior factus cedendum civitatibus deducendaque
praesidia esse, infensus omnibus in Maronitas iram

2 efFundit. Onomasto, qui praeerat maritimae orae,
mandat, ut partis adversae principes interficeiet.
Ille per Casandrum quendam, unum ex regiis iam
diu habitantem Maroneae, nocte Thracibus intro-

3 niissis velut in bello capta urbe caedem fecit. Idem ^
apud Romanos legates querentes tam crudeliter ad-
versus innoxios Maronitas, tam superbe adversus
populum Romanum factum ut, quibus libertatem
restituendam senatus censuisset, ii pro hostibus
trucidarentur, abnuebat quicquam eorum ad se aut

4 quemquam suorum pertinere ; seditione inter ipsos
dimicatum, cum ad se alii, alii ad Eumenem ci\'itatem

5 traherent ; id facile scituros esse ; percunctarentur
ipsos Maronitas, baud dubius, perculsis omnibus
terrore tam recentis caedis, neminem hiscere adversus

6 se ausurum. Negare Appius rem evidentem pro
dubia quaerendam. Si ab se culpam removere vellet,
Onomastum et Casandrum, per quos acta res dicere-
tur, mitteret Romam, ut eos senatus percunctari

7 posset. Primo adeo perturbavit ea vox regem ut

^ idem M. Mueller : id ".

1 The situation required a delicate adjustment between
the sovereignty of the League and the quasi-protectorate of
Rome.

BOOK XXXIX. XXXIII. 8-xxxiv. 7

just as to them too the senate was open as often as b.c. I8i
they wished. ^

XXXIV. When these embassies had been dis-
missed, Philip was informed by his representatives
that he was to retire from the cities and withdraw his
garrisons ; being angered at everyone, he vented his
wrath on the Maroneans. He sent word to Ono-
mastus, who was in command of the sea coast, to kill
the leading men of the opposing party. Onomastus,
through the agency of a certain Casander, one of the
king's supporters who had long been a resident of
Maronea, admitting the Thracians by night, caused a
slaughter as if the town had been captured in war.
When the Roman commissioners complained of such
cruel treatment of the unoffending Maroneans and of
such arrogant conduct towards the Roman people,
that those men whose liberty the senate had declared
was to be restored were murdered as if they were
enemies, Philip in reply denied that any of this con-
cerned himself or any one of his subjects ; there had
been fighting as a consequence of internal strife,
since some were for transferring the city to him,
others to the Romans ; this fact they could easily
ascertain ; let them, he said, question the Maroneans
themselves— not doubting that when all were smitten
with the terror of so recent a massacre no one would
dare to open his mouth against him. Appius replied
that so clear a case needed no investigation as if it
were not clear. If Philip wished to avert blame from
himself he should send Onomastus and Casander,
through w^hom it was said that the plan had been
executed, to Rome, in order that the senate might
question them. This speech at first so disconcerted
the king that he could not control his colour or

325

LI\T

non color, non vultus ei constaret; deinde collecto
tandem animo Casandrum, qui Maroneae fuisset, si

8 utique vellent, se missurum dixit : ad Onomastum
quidem quid earn rem pertinere, qui non modo Maron-
eae, sed ne in regione quidem propinqua fuisset ?

9 Et parcebat magis Onomasto, honoratiori amico, et
eundem indieem baud paulo plus timebat, quia et
ipse sermonem cum eo contulerat et multorum talium

10 ministrum et conscium habebat. Casander quoque,

missis qui per Epirum ad mare prosequerentur eum,

ne qua indicium emanaret. veneno creditur sublatus.

XXX\'. Et legati a Philippi colloquio ita di^ressi

2 sunt, ut prae se ferrent nihil eorum sibi placere, et
Philippus minime, quin rebellandum esset, dubius.
Quia tamen ^ immaturae ad id vires erant, ad moram
interponendam Demetrium minorem filium mittere
Romam simul ad purganda ^ crimina, simul ad de-

3 precandam iram senatus statuit, satis credens ipsura
etiam iuvenem, quod Romae obses specimen indolis

4 regiae dedisset, aliquid moment! facturum. Interim
per speciem auxilii Byzantiis ferendi, re ipsa ad
terrorem regulis Thracum iniciendum profectus,
perculsis iis uno proelio et Amadoco duce capto
in Macedoniam rediit, missis ad accolas Histri fluminis
barbaros, ut in Italiam irrumperent, sollicitandos.

^ quia tamen ed. Moguntina : quia dum quia ei shnilia ~.
2 purganda ed. Froheniana 1531 : depurganda r.

^ Polybius (XXIII. xiv.) says bluntly that he was poisoned.

- The earlier career of Demetrius is briefly sketched in the
following. A still younger son, Philip (XLII. lii. 5), is con-
sistently ignored in the Books contained in this volume.

^ The barbarians referred to were probably the Bastarnae
(XL. V. 10), who lived along the lower Hister (Danube) river.

326

BOOK XXXIX. XXXIV. 7-xxxv. 4

expression; then, at length collecting his wits, heB.c. I8-1
said that he would send Casander, who had been at
Maronea, if they really wished it ; but how did this
affair concern Onomastus, who had not only not been
at Maronea but had not even been in any district
close to it ? And in fact he was both careful to spare
Onomastus, as a more valued friend, and was like-
wise much more afraid of him as an informer, because
he himself had exchanged views with him and used
him as an agent and accomplice in many such affairs.
Casander, moreover, when men were sent to conduct
him through Epirus to the sea, was believed to have
been done away with by poison, lest in some way his
evidence might get out.^

XXX\^ And the commissioners went away from
the conference with Philip in such fashion as to adver-
tise the fact that nothing in his conduct pleased
them, and Philip had no doubt at all that he would
have to resort to war. Yet, since his strength was
still insufficient for that, in order to cause delay, he
determined to send his younger son Demetrius ^ to
Rome, partly to explain away the charges against him,
partly to turn aside the wrath of the senate, being
well persuaded that he, even though a young man,
because while he was a hostage at Rome he had
shown signs of possessing a kingly nature, would
have some influence. Meanwhile, setting out under
the pretence of bringing aid to the Byzantines, but in
reality in order to inspire the chiefs of the Thracians
with fear, having defeated them in one battle and
captured their leader Amadocus, he returned to
Macedonia, sending agents to stir up the barbarians ^
living along the Hister river, to the end that they might
invade Italy.

327

5 Et in Peloponneso adventus legatorum Romano-
rum, qui ex Macedonia in Achaiam ire iussi erant,
exspectabatur ; adversus quos ut praeparata consilia

6 haberent, Lycortas praetor concilium indixit. Ibi
de Lacedaemoniis actum : ex hostibus eos accusatores
factos, et periculum esse ne ^•icti magis timendi forent
quam bellantes fuissent. Quippe in bello sociis
Romanis Achaeos usos : nunc ^ eosdem Romanos

7 aequiores Lacedaemoniis quam Achaeis esse, ubi
Areus etiam et Alcibiades, ambo exsules, suo bene-
ficio restituti, legationem Romam ^ adversus gentem
Achaeorum ita de ipsis meritam suscepissent, adeo-
que infesta oratione usi essent ut pulsi patria non

8 restituti in earn viderentur. Clamor undique ortus,
referret ^ nominatim de iis : et cum omnia ira non
consilio gererentur, capitis damnati sunt. Paucos post
dies Romani legati venerunt. His Clitore in Arcadia
datum est concilium.

XXXVI. Priusquam agerent quicquam, terror
Achaeis iniectus erat et cogitatio, quam non ex

2 aequo disceptatio futura esset, quod Areum et Alcibi-
adem capitis ab se concilio proximo damnatos cum
legatis videbant ; nee hiscere quisquam audebat.

3 Appius ea quae apud senatum questi erant Lace-
daemonii displicere senatui ostendit : caedem primum

^ usos : nunc edd. vett. : ausos tunc ~.
2 Romam ed. Aldhia : romanam r.
2 referret r : ref erri J/.

They had been exiled bv Xabis.

328

BOOK XXXIX. XXXV. 5-xxxvi. 3

In the Peloponnesus also the coming of the Roman b.c. 184
commissioners, who had been ordered to proceed
from Macedonia to Achaia, was being awaited ; and in
order that they might have their arguments prepared
in advance with which to confront the Romans, the
praetor Lycortas called a council. There the question
concerned the Lacedaemonians : from enemies they
had turned accusers, and there was danger that in
defeat they would prove more to be feared than they
had been when at war. In the war, they reflected,
the Achaeans had had the Romans as allies : now the
same Romans were more favourably disposed towards
the Lacedaemonians than towards the Achaeans, in
a situation where even Areus and Alcibiades, both
exiles,^ restored through Achaean influence, had
undertaken an embassy to Rome against the Achaean
people which had deserved so well of them, and had
expressed sentiments so hostile that they seemed to
have been driven from their country, not restored to
it. A cry went up from all sides that the praetor
should offer a motion concerning them by name ;
and since everything was governed by passion, not
deliberation, they were condemned to death. A
few days later the Roman commissioners arrived. A
council was called for them at Clitoris in Arcadia.

XXX\^I. Before they did anything, fear struck the
Achaeans and the thought came to them on how
unequal grounds the argument was likely to be con-
ducted, because they saw Areus and Alcibiades, who
had been condemned to death by them at the latest
council, with the commissioners ; nor did anyone dare
to open his mouth. Appius stated that the conduct
of which the Lacedaemonians had complained before
the senate was displeasing to the senate: first, the

329

ad Compasium ^ factam eorum. qui a Philopoemene

4 ad causam dicendam evocati venissent ; deinde cum
in homines ita saevitum esset ne ^ uUa parte crude-
litas eorum cessaret, muros dirutos urbis nobilissimae
esse, leges vetustissimas abro^atas, inclutamque per

5 gentes disciplinam Lycurgi sublatam. Haec cum
Appius dixisset, Lycortas, et quia praetor et quia
Philopoemenis, auctoris omnium quae Lacedaemone

0 acta fuerant, factionis erat, ita respondit : " Diffi-
cilior nobis, Ap. Claudi, apud vos oratio est quam

7 Romae nuper apud senatum fuit. Tunc enim
Lacedaemoniis accusantibus respondendum erat :
nunc a vobis ipsis accusati sumus, apud quos causa

8 est dicenda. Quam iniquitatem condicionis subimus
ilia spe, iudicis animo te auditurum esse, posita con-
tentione qua paulo ante egisti. Ego certe. cum ea
quae et hie antea apud Q. Caecilium ^ et postea
Romae questi sunt Lacedaemonii, a te paulo ante
relata sint, non tibi sed illis me apud te respondere

9 credam.'* Caedem obicitis eorum, qui a Philo-
poemene praetore evocati ad causam dicendam inter-

1 Compasium Crh-ier : conflictum r.

2 ne Madvig : nee M : ne in r.

3 Q. Caecilium r : p. sulpitium M.

* credam ed. Froheniana 1531 : credebam r.

^ Cf. XXXVIII. xxxiii. The scene of the episode has not
been mentioned before. Rome had apparently given no
indication of its attitude towards this affair, except as it might
be inferred from their general attitude towards the Achaeans.

2 He probably means the embassy reported in xxxiii. 7
above, although it is not recorded that Lycortas himself was
a member of that embassy, and Livj' has not mentioned any

BOOK XXXIX. XXXVI. 3-9

slaughter which took place at Compasium of those b.c 184
Lacedaemonians who had come in response to the
summons of Philopoemen to plead their cause ; ^
second, that after they had treated men with such
violence, that they might overlook no form of cruelty,
they had torn down the walls of a most illustrious
city, had repealed their most ancient laws, and had
done away with the discipline of Lycurgus, famed as
it was throughout the world. When Appius had
said this, Lycortas, both because he was praetor and
because he belonged to the party of Philopoemen,
who was responsible for whatever had been done in
Lacedaemon, replied thus: " It is more difficult for
us, Appius Claudius, to speak in your presence than
it was recently in Rome before the senate. ^ For
then our task was to answer the accusations of the
Lacedaemonians : now we have been accused by you,
before whom we must plead our cause. This dis-
advantage of situation we accept in the hope that
you will listen in the spirit of a judge, laying aside
the vehemence of a prosecutor with which you spoke
a little while ago. I at any rate, when these com-
plaints which were presented, both here previously
before Quintus Caecilius ^ and in Rome later by the
Lacedaemonians, were repeated by you a little while
ago, shall believe that I am replying, not to you, but
to them in your presence. You bring up the murder
of those men who were killed when they had been
summoned by the praetor Philopoemen to plead their

argument with the Lacedaemonians at that time. Lycortas
was also at Rome in 189 B.C. (XXXVIII. xxxii. 5-10).

3 There must have been unofficial conferences with the
commissioners even if no meeting of the council was held :
cf. xxxiii. 6 above.

33^

fecti sunt. Hoc ego crimen non modo a vobis, Romani,
sed ne apud vos quidem nobis obiciendum fuisse
arbitror. Quid ita ? Quia in vestro foedere erat ut

10 maritimis urbibus abstinerent Lacedaemonii. Quo
tempore armis captis urbes, a quibus abstinere iussi
erant, nocturno impetu occupaverunt, si T.^ Quinc-
tius, si exercitus Romanus, sicut antea, in Pelo-
ponneso fuisset, eo nimirum capti et oppressi con-

11 fugissent. Cum vos procul essetis, quo alio nisi ad
nos, socios vestros, quos antea Gytheo opem ferentes,
quos Lacedaemonem vobiscum simili de causa op-

12 pugnantes viderant, confugerent ? Pro vobis igitur
iustum piumque bellum suscepimus. Quod cum
alii laudent, reprehendere ne Lacedaemonii quidem
possint, dii quoque ipsi comprobaverint, qui nobis
\'ictoriam dederunt, quonam modo ea quae belli iure
acta sunt in disceptationern veniunt ? Quorum

13 tamen maxima pars nihil pertinet ad nos. Nostrum
est quod evoca\-imus ad causam dicendam eos, qui
ad arma multitudinem exciverant, qui expugnaverant
maritima oppida. qui diripuerant, qui caedem princi-

1-4 pum fecerant. Quod vero illi venientes in castra
interfecti sunt, vestrum est, Areu et Alcibiade, qui
nunc nos, si diis placet, accusatis, non nostrum.

15 Exules Lacedaemoniorum, quo ex ^ numero hi quo-
que duo fuerunt, et tunc nobiscum erant, et quod
domicilio sibi delegerant maritima oppida, se petitos
credentes, in eos, quorum opera patria extorres ne
^ t. r : ti. F. ^ ex codd. Modii : in r.

^ Cf. XXX"\^II. xxx.-xxxi. and the note to xxx. 6.

BOOK XXXIX. XXXVI. 9-15

cause. This charge, in my opinion, should not only b.c. 184
not have been made against us by you, Romans, but
not even by them before you. \\Tiy so ? Because it
was stated in your treaty that the Lacedaemonians
should keep their hands off the towns on the coast.
At the time when they took up arms and seized, by
a night attack, those cities which they had been
ordered to let alone, if Titus Quinctius,if a Roman
army, as before, had been in the Peloponnesus, the
captured and oppressed would doubtless have fled to
them.i Since you were far away, where else could
they flee except to us, whom they had previously
seen bringing aid to Gytheum and besieging Lace-
daemon in common cause with you ? On your behalf,
then, we undertook a legal and righteous war. Since
others applaud it, since not even the Lacedaemonians
can criticize it, and since the very gods themselves,
by giving us the victory, have approved it, how
can those things which took place under the law
of war come into dispute ? Yet the greatest part of
those things have nothing to do with us. It is our
affair that we summoned to plead their cause those
who had called the multitude to arms, who had
captured the coast towns, who had plundered them,
who had caused the murder of the leading men. But
as to the fact that they were killed while they were
coming to our camp, that is your affair, Areus and
Alcibiades — who now (heaven help us !) are accusing
us — not ours. The exiles of the Lacedaemonians, to
which number even these two belonged, were indeed
at that time with us, and because they had chosen
as their places of residence the towns on the coast
believing that they were being sought out, they made
an attack on those men thanks to whose efforts they

333

LIVY

in tuto quidem exsilio posse consenescere se indigna-
16 bantur, impetum fecerunt. Lacedaemonii igitur
Lacedaemonios, non Achaei interfecerunt ; nee iure
an iniuria caesi sint, argumentari refert.

XXXVII. " At enim ilia certe vestra sunt, Achaei,
quod leges disciplinamque vetustissimam Lycurgi

2 sustulistis, quod muros diruistis. Quae utraque ab
iisdem obici qui possunt, cum muri Lacedaemonis
non ab Lycurgo, sed paucos ante annos ad dissolven-

3 dam Lycurgi disciplinam exstructi sint ? Tyranni
enim nuper eos arcem et munimentum sibi, non
civitati paraverunt ; et si exsistat hodie ab inferis
Lycurgus, gaudeat minis eorum, et nunc se patriam

4 et Spartam antiquam agnoscere dicat. Non Philo-
poemenem exspectare nee Achaeos, sed vos ipsi,
Lacedaemonii, vestris manibus amoliri et diruere

5 omnia vestigia tyrannidis debuistis. Vestrae enim
illae deformes veluti notae ^ servitutis erant, et cum
sine muris per octingentos prope annos liberi, ali-
quando etiam principes Graeciae fuissetis, muris velut
compedibus circumdatis vincti per centum annos

6 ser^-istis. Quod ad leges ademptas attinet. ego anti-
quas Lacedaemoniis ^ leges tyrannos ademisse

^ yehitinota,e Wei-sse7ibo7 7i : notae J^r: ueluti cicatrices J/.
2 lacedaemoniis r : lacedaemonis F.

^ Lj-cortas overlooks the fact that on the day after the riot
63 Lacedaemonians were put to death after a sort of trial,
apparently before the Achaeans (XXXVIII. xxxiii. 11).
The responsibility of the exiles can extend, then, only to the
17 who were killed in the rioting.

It may be remarked that the Achaeans show no sympathy
for the victims of Xabis on the ground of their aristocratic
tendencies, and are interested in them, so far as one can judge,
solely because they provided a means of creating internal
discord in Lacedaemon.

334

BOOK XXXIX. XXXVI. T5-XXXV11. 6

saw with indignation that they, exiles from home, b.c. 184
could not grow old even in a safe place of exile.
Lacedaemonians, then, were killed by Lacedae-
monians, not by Achaeans ; whether they were killed
justly or unjustly it is not important to inquire.^

XXXVn. " But, you say, those other actions were
at any rate your acts, Achaeans — the abolition of the
laws and the most ancient discipline of Lycurgus, and
the destruction of the walls. But how can both these
criticisms be made by the same persons, since the
walls of Lacedaemon were not built by Lycurgus,
but were constructed a few years ago to overthrow
the system of Lycurgus ? For the tyrants recently
erected them, a citadel and protection for themselves,
not for the city ; and if Lycurgus should rise from the
dead to-day he would rejoice in their destruction
and would say that now he recognized his home and
the ancient Sparta. You yourselves, Lacedaemon-
ians, should not have waited for Philopoemen and
the Achaeans, but should with your own hands have
torn down and destroyed all traces of the tyranny.
For they were yours — those disfiguring scars of
servitude, if I may so call them, and while, without
walls, you had been free for eight hundred years and
for a considerable period even the first state in Greece,
when the walls were thrown around you like shackles
you were bound in slavery for a hundred years. ^
As far as the abolition of the laws is concerned, I
consider that the tyrants took away their ancient
laws from the Lacedaemonians ; that we did not

2 The method of calculation throughout is obscure. For
the eight centuries under the laws of Lycurgus, cf . XXXVIII.
xxxiv. 9. There is no agreement as to the date of the con-
struction of the walls (XXXIV. xxxviii. 2 and the note).

335

LIVY

arbitror; nos non suas iis ademisse, quas non habe-

7 bant, sed nostras leges dedisse ; nee male consuluisse
ci\dtati, cum concilii nostri eam fecerimus et nobis
miscuerimus, ut corpus unum et concilium ^ totius

8 Peloponnesi esset. Tunc, ut opinor, si aliis ipsi legi-
bus viveremus, alias istis iniunxissem.us, queri se
iniquo iure esse et indignari possent.

9 " Scio ego, Ap. Claudi, banc orationem qua sum
adhuc usus neque sociorum apud socios neque
liberae gentis esse, sed vere servorum disceptantium

10 apud dominos. Nam si non vana ilia vox praeconis
fuit, qua liberos esse omnium primos Achaeos iussistis,
si foedus ratum est, si societas et amicitia ex aequo
observatur, cur ego, quid Capua capta feceritis
Romani, non quaero, vos rationem reposcitis, quid

1 1 Achaei Lacedaemoniis bello victis fecerimus ? Inter-
fecti aliqui sunt, finge, a nobis : quid ? Vos senatores

12 Campanos securi non percussistis ? At muros^
diruimus : vos non muros tantum sed urbem agros

13 ademistis. Specie, inquis, aequum est foedus : re
apud Achaeos precaria libertas, apud Romanos etiam

U imperium est. Sentio, Appi, et, si non oportet, non

^ et concilium r : ut consilium F.
2 at muros Drakenhorch : muros Fr.

1 The decree of 196 B.C. (XXXIII. xxxii. 5; Polybius
XVIII. xlvi.) named no Peloponnesian state except Corinth,
the others being omitted, presumably, because they were
already free. The speaker is therefore inexact in his quotation,
although omnium primos is exact to the extent that Corinth
was the first state mentioned in the decree,

2 The case of Capua was frequently brought up by Greek
critics of Rome : cf., e.g., XXXI. xxix. 11.

3 This must be regarded as a fair statement of the situation,
even if the Greeks themselves were mainly to blame. Lycortas
appears to mean by the last clause that such liberty as the

33^

BOOK XXXIX. XXXVII. 6-14

take from them what they did not possess, but gave b.c. i84
them our own laws ; I beUeve, too, that the measures
we took were not for the disadvantage of the Lace-
daemonian state, since we made it part of our League
and united it with us, so that there was one body and
one council for the whole Peloponnesus. Then and
then only, in my judgment, if we ourselves lived under
one code and imposed another upon them, would
they be able to complain and feel indignant that their
status was unfair.

" I know, Appius Claudius, that the speech that I
have thus far delivered is neither that of allies in the
presence of allies nor that of a free people, but in
reality that of slaves arguing before their masters.
For if those words of the herald, with which you
Romans ordered the Achaeans first of all to be free,i
were not a mere sham, if the treaty was in fact valid,
if the alliance and friendship are being impartially
observed, why do I not ask what you Romans did
when you took Capua, as you demand an explanation
of what we Achaeans did when the Lacedaemonians
were conquered in war ? ^ Some of them, let us
assume, were killed by us : what of it ? Did you
not behead Campanian senators ? But, you say, we
tore down their walls : you destroyed, not the walls
alone, but the city, the farm lands. The treaty, you
say, looks as if it were between equals : in fact,
among the Achaeans liberty is a thing bestowed as a
favour, among the Romans it amounts even to
sovereignty.^ I know this, Appius, and if I should

Achaeans possess under a treaty that was nominally aequum
is the gift of the Romans (precaria), but that the Romans by
virtue of their imperium could take away their gift as easily
as they could make it. The reply of Claudius confirms this.

337

VOL. XI. Z

indignor: sed oro vos, quantumlibet intersit inter
Romanos et Achaeos,. modo ne in aequo hostes vestri
nostrique apud vos sint ac nos socii, immo ne meliore

15 iure sint. Nam ut in aequo essent nos fecimus, cum
leges iis nostras dedimus. cum, ut Achaici ^ concilii
essent, effecimus. Parum est \ictis, quod \'ictoribus
satis est ; plus postulant hostes quam socii habent.

16 Quae iureiurando, quae monumentis litterarum in
lapide insculptis in aeternam memoriam sancta atque
sacrata sunt, ea cum periurio nostro tollere parant.

17 \'eremur quidem vos, Romani, et si ita vultis, etiam
timemus : sed plus et - veremur et timemus deos

18 immortales." Cum adsensu maximae partis est
auditus, et locutum omnes pro maiestate magistratus
censebant, ut facile appareret molliter agendo dig-

19 nitatem suam tenere Romanos non posse. Turn
Appius suadere se magnopere Achaeis dixit ut, dum
liceret voluntate sua facere, gratiam inirent, ne mox

20 in\-iti et coacti facerent. Haec vox audita quidem
cum omnium gemitu est. sed metum iniecit ^ im-

1 Achaici Grcmovius : achaei Fr.
- et ed. Froheniana 1535 : om. ~.
3 metum iniecit Gehnius : metu iniecto r.

^ A copy of the decree by which Lacedaemon was taken
into the League would doubtless be set up in the temple at
Aegium.

2 For the thought cf. sect. 21 below and the note. Ly-
cortas was the father of Polybius, and therefore, even if any
corresponding speech in Polybius were preserved, we should
find it impossible to judge how much of the version of Livy
was genuine. Its sophistn,- is evident, and it is difficult
to see how even a supporter of Philopoemen could have
honestlj' maintained that Lacedaemon had equal rights in
the League. But, genuine or imaginary, the speech seems to

338

BOOK XXXIX. XXXVII. 14-20

not I do not object ; but at any rate I beg you, no
matter how great the difference may be between
the Romans and the Achaeans, not to permit your
enemies and ours to be on an equal footing before
you with us, your alHes, or rather on a better footing.
For we brought it about that they were equal when we
gave them our laws, when we made them members of
the Achaean League. That is too little for the con-
quered which is sufficient for the conquerors ; enemies
demand more than allies possess ! Those things
which were made sanctified and sacred by oath, by
WTitten records ^ carved on stone for eternal pre-
servation, they are trying, by making us perjurers, to
destroy. Indeed we respect you, Romans, and, if
you wish it so, we even fear you ; but still more do
we both respect and fear the immortal gods."^
Lycortas was heard with applause on the part of the
majority, and all said that he had spoken in a manner
consistent with the dignity of his office, so that it
was readily apparent that by a soft answer the
Romans could not maintain their position. Then
Appius said that he earnestly advised the Achaeans
to come to terms while it was still possible to do so of
their own free will, lest presently they be forced to
take the same action against their will and under
compulsion. This speech was received with a general
groan, but it made the Achaeans fear to refuse what

picture fairly the actual situation that existed in Greece,
and its accuracy suggests that Livy had some evidential
basis for his composition. For an excellent and well-
documented discussion of this question, see Larsen, "Was
Greece Free between 196 and 146 B.C. ? " in Classical Philology
30, 1935, 193-214. Larsen's findings agree in general with
the point of view of this note, although he does not use this
speech as evidence.

339
z 2

LIVY

21 perata recusandi. Id modo petierunt ut Romani,
quae viderentur, de Lacedaemoniis mutarent nee
Achaeos relio^ione obstringerent irrita ea, quae
iureiurando sanxissent, faciendi. Damnatio tantum
Arei et Alcibiadis, quae nuper facta erat, sublata est.
XXX\'III. Romae principio eius anni, cum de pro-
vinciis consuluni et praetorum actum est, consulibus
Ligures, quia bellum nusquam alibi erat, decreti.

2 Praetores C. Decimius Flavus ^ urbanam, P= Cornelius

3 Cethegus inter cives et peregrines sortiti sunt, C.
S^mpronius Blaesus Siciliam, Q. Xaevius Matho
Sardiniam et ut idem quaereret de veneficiis, A.
Terentius ^'arro Hispaniam citeriorem, P. Sempro-

4 nius Longus Hispaniam ulteriorem. De iis duabus
pro\'inciis legati per id fere tempus L. luventius Talna

5 et T. Quinctilius Varus venerunt, qui quantum bel-
lum iam profligatum in Hispania esset senatu edocto
postularunt simul, ut pro rebus tam prospere gestis
diis immortalibus haberetur honos et ut praetoribus

6 exercitum deportare liceret. Supplicatio in biduum
decreta est : de legionibus deportandis, cum de con-
suluni praetorumque exercitibus ageretur, rem integ-

7 ram referri iusserunt. Paucos post dies consulibus
in Ligures binae legiones, quas Ap. Claudius et M.

8 Sempronius habuerant, decretae sunt. De His-
paniensibus exercitibus magna contentio fuit inter

^ Decimius Flavus ed. Froheniana 1535 : decimus flauius ".

1 The Achaeans, recognizing the inevitability of changes,
ask that these changes be enforced upon them by Rome, to
spare them the humiliation of breaking their oaths by repealing
laws which they had sworn to obey.

2 The praetors were clearly warned by the experience of
Acidinus (xxix. 4-5 above and the note), and tried to avoid
giving the senate an excuse to refuse their triumphs.

BOOK XXXIX. XXXVII. 20-xxxviii. 8

was ordered. They requested only this, that theB.c. 184
Romans should make such changes as seemed proper
to them regarding the Lacedaemonians and should
not involve the Achaeans in the religious difficulty
of making void what they had ratified by oath.^
Only the vote of condemnation which had recently
been passed on Areus and Alcibiades was repealed.
XXXVIII. At Rome, in the beginning of this
year, when the question of the provinces for the
consuls and praetors came up, the Ligurians were
decreed to the consuls, since there was war nowhere
else. Of the praetors, Gaius Decimius Flavus received
the civil jurisdiction, Publius Cornelius Cethegus
that between citizens and aliens, Gaius Sempronius
Blaesus Sicih^ Quintus Naevius Matho Sardinia and
the additional task of investigating cases of poisoning,
Aulus Terentius Varro Nearer Spain, Publius Sem-
pronius Longus Farther Spain. From these two pro-
vinces at about the same time came the lieutenants,
Lucius Juventius Talna and Titus Quinctilius Amarus,
w^ho, after informing the senate how great a war had
now been finished in Spain, asked at the same time
that by reason of such victories honour should be paid
to the immortal gods and that the praetors should
be permitted to bring home their armies. ^ A thanks-
giving for two days was decreed : as to bringing back
the legions, they ordered that the question should
be brought up anew when the matter of troops for
the consuls and praetors was discussed. A few days
later the consuls were assigned, for service against
the Ligurians, two legions each, which had been
under the command of Appius Claudius and Marcus
Sempronius. With respect to the Spanish armies,
great strife arose between the new praetors and the

341

novos praetores et amicos absentium, Calpurnii
9 Quinctiique. Utraque causa tribunes plebis, utraque
consulem habebat. Hi se intercessuros senatus con-
sulto, si deportandos censerent exercitus. denuntia-
bant : illi. si haec intercessio fieret, nullam rem aliam

10 se decerni passuros. Mcta postremo absentium
gratia est et senatus consultum factum ut praetores
quattuor milia peditum Romanorum scriberent,
trecentos equites, et quinque milia peditum sociorum
Latini nominis, quingentos equites. quos secum in

11 Hispaniam portarent. Cum ea quattuor milia in
legiones discripsissent,^ quo ^ plus quam quina milia
peditum, treceni equites in singulis legionibus esset,^
dimitterent, eos primum, qui emerita stipendia

12 haberent, deinde ut cuiusque fortissima opera Cal-
purnius et Quinctius in proeUo usi essent.

XXXIX. Hac sedata contentione alia subinde C.

2 Decimii praetoris morte exorta est. Cn. Sicinius et
L. Pupius, qui aediles proximo anno fuerant, et C.
Valerius flamen Dialis et Q. Fulvius Flaccus — is quia
aedilis curulis designatus erat, sine toga Candida, sed

3 maxima ex omnibus contentione — petebant ; certa-
menque ei cum flamine * erat. Et postquam primo

^ ea quattuor milia in legiones discripsissent M. Mueller :
ca legiones quattuor descripsissent r.
2 quo Madvig : quod r.
^ esset ed. Aldin-a : essent r.
^ flamine ed. Frobeniaym 1535 : flamine diale ~.

1 Since the negative always prevailed in such circumstances,
a complete deadlock and suspension of public business were

threatened.

2 LivT has confused the story. If Fulvius was aedile-
elect only, there could have been no objection to his Mcaring
the toga Candida (a curule magistrate wore the toga praetexta),
and no question of holding two ofiices at once could have arisen,

342

BOOK XXXIX. XXXVIII. 8-xxxix. 3

friends of the absent, Calpurnius and Quinctius. b.c. 184
Each side had tribunes of the people, each a consul.
The one side threatened that they would veto a
decree of the senate if they should vote that the
armies should be brought home: the others, that if
this veto should be used they would permit no other
decree to be passed.^ In the end the influence of
the absent praetors proved unavailing, and a decree
of the senate was passed that the praetors should
enlist four thousand Roman infantry, three hundred
cavalry, and of the allies of the Latin confederacy
five thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry,
whom they should take with them to Spain. When
they had assigned these four thousand to the legions,
in proportion as they numbered more than five
thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry per
legion, they should discharge the surplus ; first,
those who had completed their terms of service,
second, those individuals whose conspicuous services
Calpurnius and Quinctius had enjoyed in the battle.
XXXIX. When this strife had calmed down,
another straightway arose as a consequence of the
death of Gaius Decimius the praetor. Gnaeus
Sicinius and Lucius Pupius, who had been aediles
the preceding year, and Gaius \^alerius the jiamen
Dialis and Quintus Fulvius Flaccus — he, because he
was curule aedile elect, ^ did not wear the toga
Candida, but was canvassing more energetically than
the rest — were the candidates. The race was be-
tween Fulvius and the Jiamen. And when Fulvius

since his partial term as praetor would expire when his term
as aedile began (cf. VII. xlii. 2 for the law forbidding two
of&ces at the same time). We must therefore conclude
with Mommsen {St. R. I. 513, n. 3) that Fulvius was aedile,
not aedile-elect.

343

LIVY

aequare, mox superare etiam est visus, pars tribu-
norum plebis negare rationem eius habendam esse,

4 quod duos simul unus magistratus, praesertim curules,
neque capere posset nee gerere ; pars legibus eum
solvi aequum censere, ut quern vellet praetorem

5 creandi populo potestas fieret. L. Porcius consul
primo in ea sententia esse ne nomen eius acciperet ;

6 deinde, ut ex auctoritate senatus idem faceret, con-
vocatis patribus referre se ad eos dixit, quod nee iure
ullo nee exemplo tolerabili liberae civitati aedilis
curulis designatus praeturam peteret ; sibi, nisi quid
aliud iis \-ideretur, in animo esse e lege comitia habere.

7 Patres censuerunt, uti L. Porcius consul cum Q.
Fulvio ageret ne impedimento esset quo minus comi-
tia praetoris in locum C. Decimii subrogandi e lege

8 haberentur. Agenti consuli ex senatus consulto
respondit Flaccus nihil quod se ^ indignum esset
facturum. Medio responso spem ad voluntatem inter-
pretantibus fecerat cessurum patrum auctoritati esse.

9 Comitiis acrius etiam quam ante petebat criminando,
extorqueri sibi a consule et senatu populi Romani
beneficium; et invidiam fieri geminati honoris, tam-
quam non appareret, ubi designatus praetor esset,

^ quod se edd. veit. : quidem se quod r.

^ The presiding magistrate had wide discretion in accepting
or rejecting candidacies.

2 The doctrine here expressed had been most recently-
invoked for the benefit of FlaminLnus in 199 B.C. (XXXII.
vii. 11).

3 One expects renxintiatus rather than designatus, but there
is no authority for it in the MSS.

344

BOOK XXXIX. XXXIX. 3-9

seemed at first to be on equal terms with Valerius b.c. 184
and then even to be passing him, part of the tribunes
of the people declared that his candidacy ought not
to be accepted ^ because one man could not seek or
hold two offices simultaneously, especially curule
offices ; part thought that he should be exempted
from the operation of the laws, so that the people
might have the opportunity of electing whomsoever
they wished to the praetorship.^ Lucius Porcius
the consul was at first of the opinion that he should
not accept his name ; then, that he might take this
action with the authorization of the senate, calling
together the Fathers, he said that he was referring
the matter to them because there was neither any
law nor any precedent, acceptable in a free state,
that a curule aedile elect might seek the praetorship ;
unless something else seemed best to them, it was his
intention to hold the election in accordance with the
law. The Fathers voted that the consul Lucius
Porcius should appeal to Quintus Fulvius not to stand
in the way of the election of a praetor, as a successor
to Gains Decimius, being held in accordance with the
law. When the consul made this appeal in accord-
ance with the decree of the senate, Flaccus replied that
he would do nothing which was unworthy of himself.
By this ambiguous answer he had created, in the
minds of men who interpreted it to suit their own
desires, the hope that he would yield to the authority
of the Fathers. At the election he continued his can-
vassing even more actively than before, charging
that the consul and the senate were wresting from
him the gift of the Roman people and were arousing
hostility to him by their talk of duplicated offices, as
if it were not evident that when he should be elected ^

345

LR'Y

10 extemplo aedilitate se abdicaturum. Consul cum
et pertinaciam petentis crescere et favorem populi
magis magisque in eum inclinari cerneret, dimissis
comitiis senatum vocavit. Censuerunt frequentes,
quoniam Flaccum auctoritas patruni nihil movisset,

1 1 ad populum cum Flacco agendum. Contione advocata
cum egisset consul, ne tum quidem de sententia raotus
gratias populo Romano egit, quod tanto studio,
quotienscumque declarandae voluntatis potestas

12 facta esset, praetorem se voluisset facere : ea sibi
studia ci\'ium suorum destituere non esse in animo.
Haec vero tam obstinata vox tantum ei favorem
accendit ut haud dubius praetor esset, si consul

13 accipere nomen vellet. Ingens cert amen tribunis
et inter se ipsos et cum consule fuit, donee senatus a

U consule est habitus decretumque : quoniam praetoris
subrogandi comitia ne legibus fierent, pertinacia Q=
Placci et prava studia hominum impedirent, senatum
15 censere satis praetorum esse : P. Cornelius utramque
in urbe iurisdictionem haberet, Apollinique ludos
faceret.

XL. His comitiis prudentia et \-irtute senatus sub-

latis, alia maioris certaminis, quo et maiore de re et

2 inter plures potentioresque \iros, sunt exorta. Cen-

^ The first appeal had been made privately, although the
reply of Flaccus had at once been made known.

■^ Their ardour cooled later, and Flaccus did not become
praetor until two years after this (Ivi. 5 below).

3 Cf. the similar contest at the preceding election of 189 B.C.
(XXXVII. Ivii. 9-lviii. 2).

BOOK XXXIX. XXXIX. 9-xL. 2

praetor he Mould immediately resign the aedileship. b.c. 184
When the consul saw both that the stubbornness of
the candidate increased and that the favour of the
people was turning more and more to him, he ad-
journed the assembly and summoned the senate.
A full meeting declared that, since the authority of
the Fathers had had no influence with Flaccus,
the appeal to Flaccus should be made before the
assembly.^ When the consul had called an informal
meeting and presented his plea, Flaccus, not even
then moved from his position, expressed his gratitude
to the Roman people because with such enthusiasm,
as often as the opportunity to declare their desires
had been granted to them, they had wished to make
him praetor : it was not his intention to disappoint
these desires of his fellow-citizens. This speech,
obstinate though it was, aroused so much enthusiasm
for him that he would be praetor beyond a doubt if
the consul would accept his candidacy.^ Then the '
tribunes had a great argument, both among them-
selves and with the consul, until the senate was
convoked by the consul and passed this decree : that
since the stubbornness of Quintus Flaccus and the
base desires of men prevented the holding, in
accordance with the laws, of the election to fill a
vacancy among the praetors, the senate decreed that
there were enough praetors ; Publius Cornelius
should hold both jurisdictions in the City and should

preside at the games to Apollo.

XL. When this election had been avoided by the
wisdom and courage of the senate, another followed,^
involving a greater contest, as it was both for a more
important prize and participated in by more and
more poAverful men. The censorship was sought with

347

LIVY

suram summa contentione petebant L. Valerius
Flaccus P. et L. Scipiones Cn. Manlius \^olso L. Furius

3 Purpuric patricii, plebeii autem M. Porcius Cato M.
Fuhius Xobilior Ti. et M. Sempronii, Longus et
Tuditanus. Sed omnes patricios plebeiosque nobilis-

4 simarum familiarum M. Porcius longe anteibat^ In
hoc viro tanta vis aninii ingeniique fuit ut quocumque
loco natus esset, fortunam sibi ipse facturus fuisse
\-ideretur. Nulla ars neque privatae neque publicae
rei gerendae ei defuit ; urbanas rusticasque res pari-

5 ter callebat. Ad summos honores alios scientia iuris,
alios eloquentia, alios gloria militaris provexit : huic
versatile ^ ingenium sic pariter ad omnia fuit ut natum

ti ad id unum diceres, quodcumque ageret : in bello
manu fortissimus multisque insignibus clarus pugnis,
idem postquam ad magnos honores pervenit, summus
imperator, idem in pace, si ius consuleres, peritissi-

7 mus. si causa oranda esset, eloquentissimus, nee is
tantum, cuius lingua \ivo eo \-iguerit,2 monumentum
eloquentiae nullum exstet : \'i\'it immo vigetque

8 eloquentia eius sacrata scriptis omnis generis. Ora-
tiones et pro se multae et pro aliis et in alios : nam
non solum accusando, sed etiam causam dicendo

9 fatigavit inimicos. /'Simultates nimio plures et

1 versatile eM'. vett. : uersabile r.

2 viguerit edd. vett. : uiguit r.

1 All the candidates were ex-consuls, as usual. Publius
Scipio is Xasica. Lucius Scipio was striving for rehabilitation
after his trial, but the outcome of the election suggests that
the glor}' of the Scipios had, at least for the time, departed.

2 That is, battles in which he took part as a private.

BOOK XXXIX. XL. 2-9

the most intense rivalry by Lucius Valerius Flaccus, b.c. 184
Publius and Lucius Scipio, Gnaeus Manlius Volso and
Lucius Furius Purpuric, patricians, as well as by the
plebeians Marcus Porcius Cato, Marcus Fulvius
Nobilior, Tiberius Senipronius Longus and Marcus
Sempronius Tuditanus.^ But among all the patricians
and plebeians of the most illustrious houses, JVlarcus
Porcius Cato stood out most conspicuously./^ In this
man there was such force of mind and character that
in whatever station he had been born it seemed that
he would have made his fortune for himself. No art
of conducting either private or public business was
lacking to him ; he was equally skilled in affairs of the
city and of the farm. Some men were advanced to
the highest offices by knowledge of the law, others
by eloquence, others by military reputation : his
comprehensive genius was so adapted to everything
alike that you would say that whatever he was doing
was the one thing for which he was born : in war he
was the bravest of fighters and was famous for many
remarkable battles ,2 and after he attained to the
highest offices, he was likewise a consummate com-
mander ; the same man in peace was, if you consider
the law, most skilled therein, if there was a case to
be pleaded, most eloquent, nor was he merely one
whose tongue was potent while he lived but left no
record of his eloquence : rather, he lives and flourishes
by his eloquence, enshrined in books of every kind.
There are many orations, both for himself and for and
against others ; for he wore down his enemies not
only by accusing them but also by pleading his ow^n
cause. ^ Feuds in excessive numbers pursued him

3 Plutarch {Cato Major, xv.) says that Cato was put on
trial about fifty times.

349

exercuerunt eum et ipse exercuit eas ; nee facile
dixeris, utrum niagis presserit eum nobilitas, an ille

10 agitaverit nobilitatem. Asperi procul dubio animi et
linguae acerbae et immodice liberae fuit, sed invicti
a cupiditatibus animi, rigidae innocentiae, con-

11 temptor gratiae, divitiarum. In parsimonia, in
patientia laboris periculique ^ ferrei prope corporis
animique, quem ne senectus quidem quae solvit

12 omnia fregerit,^ui sextum et octogesimum annum
agens causam^ixerit, ipse pro se oraverit scrip-
seritque, nonagesimo anno Ser. Galbam ad populi
adduxerit iudicium.

XLI. Hunc, sicut omni vita, tum petentem preme-
bat nobilitas ; coierantque praeter - L. Flaccum, qui
collega in consulatu fuerat, candidati omnes ad

2 deiciendum honore, non solum ut ipsi potius adi-
piscerentur, nee quia indignabantur novum hominem
censorem videre, sed etiam quod tristem censuram
periculosamque multorum famae et ab laeso a

3 plerisque et laedendi cupido exspectabant. Etenim
tum quoque minitabundus petebat, refragari sibi, qui

1 periculique ed. Parisina 1513 : periculi aut et p. r.

2 praeter ed. Frobeniana 1535 : apud praetorem ~.

^ The play on the verb is so clumsy that it may have been
preserved from Livj^'s source.

2 According to Per. XLIX, L. Scribonius and not Cato
prosecuted Galba for his treacherous treatment of the Lusi-
tanians. Cato, however, spoke against him (Cicero de oratore
I. 227; Brutus ^'d,eic.).

This characterization raises once more the question of a
special source dealing with Cato which Liv^^ used (cf . XXXIV.
xxi. 8; XXXVI. xxi. 4-6 and the notes). I see no reason —
least of all the play on words mentioned in the preceding note —

BOOK XXXIX. XL. 9-xLi. 3

and he himself pursued them ; ^ nor could you easily b.c. 184
say whether the nobility worked harder to suppress
him or he to irritate the nobility. Without question
he had a stern temper, a bitter tongue and one
immoderately free, but he had a soul unconquerable
by appetites, an unwavering integrity, and a con-
tempt for influence and wealth. In his economy, in
his endurance of toil and danger, he was of almost
iron-like body and mind, and his mind not even old
age, which weakens everything, could break down .J'*
since at the age of eighty-six he pleaded a case, spolv«
and wrote in his own defence, and in his ninetieth
year brought Servius Galba to trial before the
assembly. 2

XLI. Against him as a candidate on this occasion
the nobility, as throughout his life, used their
influence ; and all the candidates except Lucius
Flaccus, who had been his colleague in the consulship,
had formed a combination to keep him from the
office, 3 not only that they themselves might rather
win it nor because they objected to seeing a " new
man "* chosen censor, but also because they antici-
pated a stern censorship dangerous to the reputation
of many, from a man who had both been injured by
many and was eager to do injury. For even then he
was canvassing by means of threats, charging that

why this passage and the account of the censorship in the
following chapters should not have been derived from the
same source. There seems to be nothing in this passage
which Cato would not have regarded as a compliment and
would not have been willing to say about himself.

^ Formal coitiones were illegal, but informal combinations
could not be prevented. The other candidates were all
more or less closely allied with the Scipionic party.

* Cf. XXXVII. Ivii. 2 and the note.

liberam et fortem censuram timerent, criminando.

4 Et simul L. \'alerio suiFragabatur : illo uno collega
castigare se nova flagitia et priscos revocare mores
posse. His accensi homines, adversa nobilitate, non
M. Porcium modo censorem fecerunt, sed collegam
ei L. Valerium Flaccum adiecerunt.

5 Secundum comitia censorum consules praetoresque
in provincias profecti praeter Q. Xaevium, quern quat-
tuor non minus menses, priusquam in Sardiniam iret,
quaestiones veneficii, quarum magnam partem extra
urbem per municipia conciliabulaque habuit, quia ita

6 aptius visum erat,. tenuerunt. Si Antiati Valerio cre-
dere libet. ad duo milia hominum damnavit. Et L.
Postumius praetor, cui Tarentum pro\'incia evenerat,
magnas pastorum coniurationes vindicavit, et reli-
quias Bacchanalium quaestionis cum cura exsecutus

7 est. Multos, qui aut citati non adfuerant aut vades
deseruerant, in ea regione Itab'ae latentes partim
noxios iudica\'it, partim comprehensos Romam ad
senatum misit. In carcerem omnes a P. Cornelio
coniecti sunt.

XLII. In Hispania ulteriore fractis proximo bello
Lusitanis quietae res fuerunt : in ^ citeriore A.
Terentius in Suessetanis oppidum Corbionem \'ineis
et operibus expugna\it, captivos vendidit : quieta
2 deinde hiberna et citerior provincia habuit. Veteres
praetores C. Calpurnius Piso et L. Quinctius Romam
^ fuerunt : in ed. Frobeniana 1535 : fuerant et in r.

^ Cf . xxix. 8-9 above, which seems to be duphcated by this

item.

35^

BOOK XXXIX. xLi. 3-xLii. 2

he was being opposed by men who feared a free and b.c. 184
courageous censorship. At the same time he
canvassed for Lucius Valerius also : with him alone
as his colleague could he chastise the new vices and
revive the ancient character. Aroused by such
arguments and against the opposition of the nobility,
the citizens not only chose Marcus Porcius as censor,
but also gave him Lucius Flaccus as his colleague.

After the election of the censors the consuls and
praetors departed for their provinces, with the
exception of Quintus Naevius, who was detained for
not less than four months before he could set out for
Sardinia by the investigation of poisonings, a great
part of which he conducted outside the City, in the
municipalities and rural communities, because this
method seemed more convenient. If one wishes to
trust Valerius Antias, he condemned about two
thousand persons. And Lucius Postumius the
praetor, to whom the province of Tarentum had
fallen, broke up large conspiracies of shepherds ^
and diligently prosecuted what was left of the
Bacchanalian investigation. Many who either had
not appeared when summoned or had abandoned
their sureties, hiding in that part of Italy, he pro-
nounced guilty in some cases, and in others he arrested
them and sent them to the senate in Rome. All
were thrown into prison by Publius Cornelius.

XLII. In Farther Spain, the Lusitanians having
been broken in the last campaign, things were quiet ;
in Nearer Spain Aulus Terentius among the Suesse-
tani took the town of Corbio with sheds and siege-
works and sold the captives : after that the nearer
province too had a quiet winter. The former
praetors Gaius Calpurnius Piso and Lucius Quinctius

353

VOL. XI. A A

redierunt. Utrique magno patrum consensu

3 triumphus est decretus. Prior C. Calpurnius de
Lusitanis et Celtiberis triumpha\it : coronas aureas
tulit octoginta tres et duodecini milia pondo argenti.

4 Paucos post dies L. Quinctius Crispinus ex iisdem
Lusitanis et Celtiberis triumphavit : tantundem auri
atque argenti in eo triumpho praelatum.

5 Censores M. Porcius et L. Valerius metu mixta ex-
pectatione senatum legerunt ; septem moverunt se-
natu, ex quibus ununi insi^nem et nobilitate et ho-
noribus, L. Quinctium Flamininum consularem.

6 Patrum memoria institutum fertur ut censores motis
senatu adscriberent notas. Catonis et aliae quidem
acerbae orationes exstant in eos quos aut senatorio

7 loco mo\it aut quibus equos ademit, longe gravissima
in L. Quinctium oratio, qua si accusator ante notam,
non censor post notam usus esset, retinere L.
Quinctium in senatu ne frater quidem T. Quinctius,

8 si tum censor esset, potuisset. Inter cetera obiecit
ei Philippum Poenum, carum ac nobile scortum, ab
Roma in Galliam provinciam spe ingentium donorum

9 perductum. Eum puerum, per ^ lasciviam cum
ca\'illaretur, exprobrare consuli saepe ^ solitum, quod
sub ipsum spectaculum gladiatorium abductus ab

^ per ed. Parisina 1513 : om. ~ [vid. inf.).
2 saepe Heraeus : persaepe r {vtd. sup.).

^ Though older than his brother Titus, he had served under
him against Philip and had reached the consulship in 192 B.C.

^ H. Meyer {Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta) listed twenty-
six censorial speeches of Cato (nos. 24-49 inch), although not
all are directed at individuals and the dates of some are
uncertain. Other scholars compile different lists, but it is
at least clear that Cato's censorship was active and that his
decisions were vigorously contested.

^ This constituted removal from the list of equites.

354

BOOK XXXIX. xLii. 2-9

returned to Rome. To each of them a triumph was b.c. 184
decreed by the general consent of the Fathers.
First Gains Calpurnius triumphed over the Lusi-
tanians and Celtiberians : he displayed eighty-three
golden crowns and twelve thousand pounds of silver,
A few days later Lucius Quinctius Crispinus triumphed
over the same Lusitanians and Celtiberians : the
same amount of gold and silver was carried in this
triumph.

The censors Marcus Porcius and Lucius Valerius
chose the senate amid suspense mingled with fear;
they expelled seven from the senate, one of whom
was distinguished by both high birth and political
success, Lucius Quinctius Flamininus, a man of
consular rank.^ Within the memory of our fathers
the custom is said to have arisen that the censors
should affix the nota to the names of those who are
expelled from the senate. But in this case there are
speeches of Cato ^ and indeed other bitter orations
against those who were either expelled from the
senate or whose horses were taken from them,^ by
far the most vehement being that against Lucius
Quinctius, and if he had made this speech as an
accuser before the branding rather than as censor
after the branding, Lucius Quinctius could not have
been kept in the senate even by his brother Titus
Quinctius, had he been censor at the time. Among
other things he reproached him regarding Philippus,
a Carthaginian, a notorious degenerate whom he
loved and whom he had attracted from Rome to his
province of Gaul by the promise of great gifts. This
boy, says Cato, in the course of his playful jesting,
used frequently to reproach the consul because just
on the eve of the gladiatorial games he had been

355

A A 2

Roma esset, ut obsequium amatori venditaret.^

10 Forte epulantibus iis, cum iam vino incaluissent,
nuntiatum in con\-i\-io esse nobilem Boium cum
liberis transfugam venisse : convenire consulemi velle

11 ut ab eo Mem praesens acciperet. Introductum in
tabernaculum per interpretem adloqui consulem
coepisse. Inter cuius sermonem Quinctius scorto
" vis tu," inquit, " quoniam gladiatorium spectaculum
reliquisti, iam hunc Galium morientem \-idere ? "

12 Et cum is vixdum serio adnuisset, ad nutum scorti
consulem stricto gladio, qui super caput pendebat,
loquenti Gallo caput primum percussisse, deinde.
fuijienti fidemque populi Romani atque eorum, qui
aderant, imploranti latus transfodisse.

XLIII. Valerius Antias, ut qui nee orationem
Catonis legisset et fabulae tantum sine auctore editae
credidisset, aliud argumentum, simile tamen et

2 libidine et crudelitate ^ peragit. Placentiae famo-
sam mulierem, cuius amore deperiret,^ in convivium
arcessitam scribit. Ibi iactantem sese scorto inter
cetera rettulisse quam acriter quaestiones exercuis-
set et quam multos capitis damnatos in vinculis

3 haberet, quos securi percussurus esset. Tum illam
infra eum accubantem negasse umquam vidisse quem-
quam securi ferientem, et pervelle id videre. Hie iri-
dulgentem amatorem unum ex illis miseris ^ attrahi

1 amatori venditaret Lipsins " ex meo cod.''' : amatori
iactaret M : amator ei uenditaret r.

2 libidine et crudelitate r : libidini et crudelitati M.
^ deperiret r : deperierat M.

* illis miseris Gdenius : damnatis ~.

^ This form of the story was followed by Valerius Maximus
(II. ix. 3) and possibly by Cicero {Cato maior 42),

OO

■^ The phrase is conventional in erotic literature.
6

BOOK XXXIX. xLii. 9-xLiii. 3

carried off from Rome, that he might sell his favours b.c.184
to his lover. By chance, when they were dining
and were by now heated with wine, it was announced
in the dining-room that a noble Boian, accompanied
by his sons, had come as a deserter ; he wished, they
said, to meet the consul, that he might obtain a safe-
guard from him personally. Having been intro-
duced into the tent, Cato continued, he began to
address the consul through an interpreter. While
he was speaking, Quinctius said to the boy, " Do
you wish, since you missed the gladiatorial show, to
see now this Gaul dying? " And when he nodded,
although not really in earnest, the consul, at the
boy's nod, seized the sword that was hanging above
his head and first struck the head of the Gaul M'hile
he was speaking, and then, as the Gaul was fleeing
and calling for the protection of the Roman people
and of those who were present, he stabbed him v

through the side.

XLIII. Valerius Antias, as if he had never read
the speech of Cato and had accepted the story as if
it were nothing but a story anonymously circulated,
gives another version,^ similar, however, in its lust
and cruelty. He writes that at Placentia a notorious
woman, with whom Flamininus was desperately in
love,2 had been invited to dinner. There he was
boasting to the courtesan, among other things, about
his severity in the prosecution of cases and how many
persons he had in chains, under sentence of death,
whom he intended to behead. Then the woman,
reclining below him, said that she had never seen a
person beheaded and was very anxious to behold the
sight. Hereupon, he says, the generous lover,
ordering one of the wretches to be brought to him,

357

4 iussum securi percussisse. Facinus sive eo modo quo
censor obiecit, sive, ut Valerius tradit, commissum est,
saevum atque atrox : inter pocula at que epulas, ubi
libare diis dapes, ubi bene precari mos esset, ad
spectaculum scorti procacis, in sinu consulis recuban-
tis, mactatam humanam victimam esse et cruore men-

'j sam respersam I In extrema oratione Catonis con-
dicioQuinctio fertur ut si id factum negaretceteraque,
quae obiecisset, sponsione defenderet sese : sin ^
fateretur, icrnominiane sua quemquam doliturum
censeret, cum ipse vino et venere aniens sanguine
hominis in convi\'io lusisset ?

XLIV. In equitatu recognoscendo L. Scipioni
Asiatico ademptus equus. In censibus quoque acci-
piendis tristis et aspera in omnes ordines censura fuit.

2 Ornamenta et vestem muliebrem et vehicula, quae
pluris quam quindecim milium aeris essent, deciens
tanto pluris quam quanti essent - in censum referre

3 iuratores iussi ; ^ item mancipia minora annis viginti,
quae post proximum lustrum decem milibus aeris
aut pluris eo venissent, uti ea quoque deciens * tanto
pluris quam quanti essent aestimarentur, et his rebus

^ sine ed. Veneta 1495 : qui r.

2 deciens tanto pluris quam quanti essent Wesenherg :
om. r.

3 iussi ed. Frobeniana 1535 : iussit r.
* deciens Sigonius : decem r.

^ Although mentioned also by Plutarch {Cato 17), the pro-
cedure is obscure. The spon-sio (a sort of judicial wager) was
a recognized feature of legal procedure, but it may be less
technically used here. Plutarch represents this challenge
as given and accepted before the assembly : this could be
true only in case of a conviction and an appeal. Titus seems,
in Plutarch, to be a party also.

358

BOOK XXXIX. xLiii. 3-xLiv. 3

cut off his head with his sword. This deed, whether b.c. 184
it was performed in the manner for which the censor
rebuked him, or as Valerius reports it, was savage
and cruel : in the midst of drinking and feasting,
where it is the custom to pour libations to the gods
and to pray for blessings, as a spectacle for a shame-
less harlot, reclining in the bosom of a consul, a
human victim sacrificed and bespattering the table
with his blood ! At the end of the speech a challenge
of Cato to Quinctius is reported : if he would deny
this act and the other things which Cato had charged,
he should defend himself by legal methods,^ but if
he confessed it, would he think that anyone would
grieve at his disgrace, since he himself, mad with
drink and desire, had played with a man's blood at a
feast ?

XLIV. In reviewing the eqidtes Cato deprived
Lucius Scipio Asiaticus of his horse. Also in accept-
ing assessments ^ his censorship was stern and harsh
towards all ranks. Jewels and w^omen's dresses and
vehicles which were worth more than fifteen thousand
asses he directed the assessors to list at ten times
more than their actual value ; ^ likewise slaves less
than twenty years old, who had been bought since
the previous lustrum for ten thousand asses or more,
he directed to be assessed at ten times more than
their actual cost, and he ordered that on all these

2 The citizens appeared in person before the censors and
declared their property. The censors could revise or refuse
their declarations.

3 The emendation (see the critical note) seems to be warran-
ted by the appearance of the same words in sect. 3 below,
with reference to other articles of luxury. Perhaps these
measures are Cato's revenge for his defeat in the debate over
the Oppian law (XXXIV. i.-viii.).

359

LR^Y

4 omnibus terni ^ in milia aeris attribuerentur. Aquam
publicam omnem in privatum aedificium aut agrum
fluentem ademerunt ; et quae in loca publica inaedi-
ficata immolitave privati habebant, intra dies triginta

5 demoliti sunt. Opera deinde facienda ex decreta
in eam rem pecunia, lacus sternendos lapide. deter-
gendasquej2 qua opus asset, cloacas, in Aventino et
in aliis partibus, qua nondum erant, faciendas

6 locaverunt. Et separatim Flaccus molem ad Xeptu-
nias aquas, ut iter populo esset, et viam per For-

7 mianum montem, Cato atria duo, Maenium et
Titium, in lautumiis, et quattuor tabernas in publicum
emit basilicamque ibi fecit, quae Porcia appellata est.
Et vectigalia summis pretiis, ultro tributa infimis loca-

8 verunt. Quas locationes cum senatus precibus et
lacrimis victus publicanorum induci et de integro
locari iussisset, censores, edicto summotis ab hasta
qui ludificati priorem locationem erant, omnia eadem

9 paulum imminutis pretiis locaverunt. Nobilis cen-
sura fuit simultatiumque plena, quae M. Porcium,
cui acerbitas ea assignabatur, per omnem \itam
exercuerunt.

10 Eodem anno coloniae duae, Potentia in Picenum,

^ temi edd. vett. : tema et trina et tria r.

- detergendasque Geleniu.s : tegendasque (-osque) r.

^ If the ordinary- tax rate was one as per thousand (XXIV.
XT. 9, etc.). this heavier tax on a much higher evaluation must
have been, and was probably designed to be, almost con-
fiscaton,-.

- It may be accidental that the number of the verb here
shifts to the plural. This particular act prevented the piping
into private property of water from the aqueducts.

3 Their position is unknown.

* Cicero {de lege agraria I. 7) seems to speak of them as
auction-rooms.

360

BOOK XXXIX. XLiv. 3-IO

articles a tax of three asses per thousand should be b.c. 184
imposed.^ All public water - flowing into a private
dwelling or lot they shut off; and what private
persons had built or erected on public property they
tore down on thirty days' notice. Then they let
contracts for the public works to be constructed from
funds appropriated for that purpose, the paving of
fountain basins with stone, the cleaning of sewers
wherever that was necessary, and the construction
of new sewers on the Aventine and elsewhere where
none had yet been built. And Flaccus separately
built a dike at the Neptunian waters ^ that the
people might have a footpath there, and a road over
the hill at Formiae, and Cato built two markets,*
the Maenium and the Titium, in the region of the
Lautumiae,^ and bought four shops for the state and
erected there the basilica ^ which is called Porcia.
The revenues also they farmed at the highest rates
and contracted for voluntary services at the lowest.
When the senate, moved by the prayers and tears of
the publica?ii, had ordered these contracts to be
cancelled and new ones made, the censors, removing
by edict from the place of auction ^ those bidders who
had evaded the original contracts, let all the same
contracts at slightly lowered figures. It was a
remarkable censorship and full of quarrels, which
occupied Marcus Porcius, to whom the severity was
attributed, through his whole life.

In the same year two colonies, Potentia in the

5 Cf. XXXII. xvi. 7 and the note.

® This building, used for the law-courts, stood between the
comitium and the north end of the Capitoline,

'^ Literally, "from the spear." The hasta or spear was a
conventional sign set up to indicate a place where bidding
was going on.

361

LRT

Pisaurum in Gallicum agrum. deductae sunt. Sena
iugera in singulos data. Diviserunt agrum colonias-
que deduxerunt iidem tresviri, Q. Fabius Labeo, et
11 M. et Q. Fulvii. Flaccus et Nobilior. Consules eius
anni nee domi nee militiae memorabile quicquam
egerunt.

XLV. In Insequentem annum crearunt consules
M. Claudium Marcellum Q. Fabium Labeonem.

M. Claudius Q. Fabius idibus Martiis, quo die con-
Gulatum inierunt, de provinciis suis praetorumque

2 rettulerunt. Praetores creati erant C. Valerius
flamen Dialis, qui et priore anno petierat, et Sp.
Postumius Albinus et P. Cornelius Sisenna L. Pupius

3 L. lulius Cn. Sicinius.^ Consulibus Ligures cum
iisdem exercitibus, quos P. Claudius et L. Porcius

4 habuerant, provincia decreta est. Hispaniae extra
sortem prioris anni praetoribus cum suis exercitibus
ser\'atae. Praetores ita sortiri iussi uti flamini Diaii
utique altera iuris dicendi Romae provincia esset :

5 peregrinam est sortitus. Sisennae Cornelio urbana,
Sp. Postumio Sicilia. L. Pupio Apulia, L. lulio Gallia,
Cn. Sicinio Sardinia evenit. L. lulius maturare est

^ Sicinius ed. Froheniana 1535 : sulpitms r.

1 I have given the names as they stand in the text. It
is not impossible that the praenomina of the Fulvii have been
interchanged.

2 It seems strange that Livy should have separated the
praetorian election from the consular in this fashion, and the
use of conjunctions in this sentence is unusual. Yet the
MSS. show no signs of dislocation, and the tense of creati
erant shows that the sentence was meant to be here, unless
it was emended by some very early scribe after the dislocation
had occurred.

3 He was not permitted, by virtue of his priesthood, to be
away from Rome overnight (V. Hi. 13). lAxy says nothing

362

BOOK XXXIX. XLiv. lo-xLv. 5

Picene territory, Pisaiirum in the Gallic, wereii.c. 184
founded. Six iugera were given to each colonist.
The division of the land and the organization of the
colonies were the work of the same commissioners,
Quintus Fabius Labeo, Marcus Fulvius Flaccus and
Quintus Fulvius Nobilior.^ The consuls of this year
did nothing noteworthy either at home or in the field.

XLV. For the following year they announced the
election of Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Quintus
Fabius Labeo as consuls.

Marcus Claudius and Quintus Fabius, on the Ides b.c. 183
of March, the day on which they were inaugurated,
brought up the question of provinces for themselves
and the praetors. The praetors who had been
elected were Gains Valerius, \h.Q flamen Dialis, who
had been a candidate the preceding year also, and
Spurius Postumius Albinus and Publius Cornelius
Sisenna, Lucius Pupius, Lucius Julius, Gnaeus
Sicinius.2 To the consuls the Ligurians were
decreed as their province, with the same armies which
Publius Claudius and Lucius Porcius had had. The
Spains, excluded from the lot, were reserved for the
praetors of the previous year, along with their armies.
The praetors were ordered to draw lots with the
provision that the province of the Jia7ue?i Dialis should
be one of the jurisdictions in Rome : ^ the praetorship
which he drew dealt with cases between citizens and
aliens. The civil jurisdiction fell to Cornelius
Sisenna, Sicily to Spurius Postumius, Apulia to
Lucius Pupius, Gaul to Lucius Julius, Sardinia
to Gnaeus Sicinius. Lucius Julius was directed to

about the arrangement about his oath, which he had to take •
by proxy when he held the office of aedile (XXXI. i. 7 and
the note).

3^3

LIVY

6 iussus. Galli Transalpini per saltus ignotae antea
viae, ut ante dictum est. in Italiani transgressi
oppidum in agro, qui nunc est Aquileiensis, aedifica-

7 bant. Id eos ut prohiberet, quod eius sine bello
posset, praetori mandatum est. Si armis pro-
hibendi essent, consules certiores faceret : ex his
placere alterum adversus Gallos ducere legiones.

8 Extremo prioris anni comitia auguris creandi
habita erant in demortui Cn. Cornelii Lentuli locum ;
creatus erat Sp. Postumius Albinus.

XL\'I. Huius principio anni P. Licinius Crassus
pontifex maximus mortuus est, in cuius locum M.

2 Sempronius Tuditanus pontifex est cooptatus ; ponti-
fex ^ maximus est creatus C. Servilius Geminus.
P. Licinii funeris causa visceratio data,^ et gladiatores
centum \iginti pugnaverunt, et ludi funebres per

.3 triduum facti, post ludos epulum. In quo cum toto
foro strata triclinia essent, tempestas cum magnis
procellis coorta coegit plerosque tabernacula statuere

1 est cooptatus; pont ilex GeJenius : om. r.

2 visceratio data Gdenius : uisceratione data r.

1 Cf. xxii. 6-7 above and the note.

2 I have chosen the simplest course, by retaining the
reading of M as the nearest possible approach to the true
text now available. The various readings of r differ as to
the proper nouns but agree on creatus erat, so fhat Mr all
preserve the apparent error of fact that Postumius is said to
have been elected, whereas co-optation was the rule until
104 B.C. There is, then, nothing to be gained by piecemeal
emendation. The question of dislocation again arises (cf. the
note to sect. 2 above), and it can be argued here that the
displacement was deliberate, for the sake of continuity with
the following sentence, but this emphasis seems disproportion-

364

BOOK XXXIX. xLv. 5-XLvi. 3

hasten his departure. Transalpine Gauls, as has
been said before ,1 crossing into Italy by a pass
hitherto unknown, were building a city in the
territory which now belongs to Aquileia. The
praetor was instructed to prevent them from doing
this, so far as it was possible for him to do so without
war. If they had to be prevented by arms, he was
to inform the consuls : it was the senate's desire that
one of them should lead the legions against the
Gauls.

At the end of the preceding year an election had
been held to choose an augur in the place of Gnaeus
Cornelius Lentulus, who had died; Spurius Postu-
mius Albinus had been elected. ^

XLVI. In the beginning of this year Publius
Licinius Crassus, the pontifex maximus, died, and
in his stead Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus was
co-opted as pontiff; ^ Gains Servilius Geminus was
elected* pontifex maximus. On the occasion of the
funeral of Publius Licinius a public distribution of
meats took place, and one hundred and tw^enty
gladiators fought and funeral games were given for
three days, and after the games a banquet. During
this, when the banqueting tables had been arranged
through the whole Forum, a storm coming up with
great gusts of wind drove most people to set up

ate to the historical or rhetorical importance of the sentence.
Again the MSS. show no signs of dislocation and the tense of
the verbs must have been changed very early, if at all.

^ Here the regular method is employed, in contrast with
that recorded in the preceding sentence.

"* One of the pontiffs was elected pontifex maximus in the
usual way, by the college of pontiffs, and while Livy may
at times confuse cooptare and creare he discriminates between
them here.

365

LR^Y

4 in foro : eadem paulo post, cum undique disserenas-
set,^ sublata ; defunctosque vulgo ferebant quod inter
fatalia vates cecinissent, necesse esse tabernacula

5 in foro statui. Hac religione levatis altera iniecta,
quod sanguine per biduum plu\-isset in area Vulcani ;
et per decem\-iros supplicatio indicta erat eius prodigii
expiandi causa.

6 Priusquam consules in provincias proficiscerentur,
legationes transmarinas in senatum introduxerunt.
Nee umquam ante tantuni regionis eius hominum

7 Romae fuerat. Nam ex quo fama per gentes, quae
Macedonian! accolunt. vulgata est crimina queri-
moniasque de Philippo non neglegenter ab Romanis

8 audiri, multis operae pretium fuisse queri, pro se
quaeque civitates gentesque, singuli etiam privatim — -
gra\"is enim accola omnibus erat — Romam aut ad
spem levandae iniuriae aut ad deflendae "^ solacium

9 venerunt. Et ab Eumene rege legatio cum fratre
eius Athenaeo venit ad querendum simul quod non
deducerentur ex Thracia praesidia, simul quod in
Bithyniam Prusiae bellum adversus Eumenem gerenti
auxiiia missa forent.

XL\'II. Respondendum ad omnia iuveni turn

1 disserenasset r : consenerasset J/ : serenasset 6^eZewtw.5.

2 deflendae r : defendendae M.

^ Pessimists would naturally expect that the tents of the
prophecy would be those of the enemy who was master of
the City, but the omen has now been harmlessly fulfilled.

2 It was near the temple of Concord (Ivi. 6; XL. xix. 1
below).

3 These events should then belong to the winter of 184-183
B.C. or the early spring of the latter year. Polybius (XXIV.
i. ff.) puts them after the departure of the consuls, and so some
months later in 183 b.c.

* Cf. XXXV. 2-3 above. Demetrius was about twenty-five

366

BOOK XXXIX. xLvi. 3-XLVii. i

tents in the Forum: these, a httle later, when itB.c.i83
had cleared up all around, were taken down ; and
the general talk was that the omen had been fulfilled,
because the soothsayers had declared that it was
among the decrees of the fates that it was destined
that tents should be set up in the Forum. ^ When
they were freed from this fear another came upon
them, because for two days it had rained blood in
the precinct of Vulcan ; ^ and a period of prayer was
proclaimed by the decemvirs as expiation for this
prodigy.

Before the consuls ^ set out for their provinces,
they introduced the embassies from across the seas
to the senate. Never before had there been so many
people from this region in Rome. For from the
time that the news spread among the tribes that live
near Macedonia that charges and complaints against
Philip were listened to not inattentively by the
Romans, and that many had found it profitable to
make complaints, each city and tribe for itself and
many individuals privately — for everyone found him
a neighbour hard to get along with — came to Rome
either in the hope of redressing their wrongs or for
the consolation of lamenting them. From King
Eumenes also came an embassy, including his brother
Athenaeus, to complain both because the garrisons
were not withdrawn from the cities in Thrace and
because aid had been sent to Prusias in Bithynia,
who was waging war against Fjumenes.

XLVII. Demetrius,* who was then quite a young

years old, and, obviously, not precocious. For a recent study
of the career of Demetrius, see Edson, " Perseus and
Demetrius," in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 46
(1935), 191-202.

LIVY

admodum Demetrio erat. Cum haud facile esset aut
ea. quae obicerentur. aut quae adversus ea dicenda

2 erant. memoria complecti — nee enim multa solum,
sed etiam pleraque oppido quam parva erant, de
controversia finium. de hominibus raptis pecoribusque
abactis, de iure aut dicto per libidinem aut non dicto,

3 de rebus per vim aut gratiam iudicatis — nihil horum
neque Demetrium docere dilucide nee se satis
liquido discere ab eo senatus cum cerneret posse,
simul et tirocinio et perturbatione iuvenis moveretur,
quaeri iussit ab eo, ecquem de his rebus com-

4 mentarium a patre accepisset. Cum respondisset
accepisse se, nihil prius nee potius \isum est quam
regis ipsius de singulis responsa ^ accipere. Librum
extemplo poposcerunt, deinde ut ipse recitaret

5 permiserunt. Erant autem de singulis rebus in
breve coactae causae, ut alia fecisse se secundum
decreta legatorum diceret, alia non per se stetisse,
quo minus faceret, sed per eos ipsos, qui accusarent.

6 Interposuerat et querellas de iniquitate decretorum,
et quam non ex aequo disceptatum apud Caecilium
foret indigneque sibi nee ullo suo merito insultatum

7 ab omnibus esset. Has notas irritati eius animi
collegit senatus : ceterum alia excusanti iuveni, alia
recipienti futura ita, ut maxime vellet senatus,

^ responsa r : responsum M.

For the phrase, cf. XXXVI. xxv. 3 and the note.

368

BOOK XXXIX. xLvii. 1-7

man, had to answer all these complaints. Since it
was not easy to remember either all the charges
which were made or what was to be said in reply to
them — for they were not only numerous but many of
them also trivial in the extreme,^ dealing with
boundary disputes, men abducted or animals driven
off, justice either administered by caprice or not
administered, decisions rendered as a result of
violence or influence — when the senate saw that
Demetrius could give no intelligent information on
any of these points and that they could learn nothing
explicit from him, and when they were moved by
both the inexperience and the embarrassment of
the young man, they ordered that the question be
asked of him whether he had received any notes
from his father on these matters. When he replied
that he had received them, it was resolved that
nothing should have preference or precedence over
hearing the answers of the king himself to these
several charges. They immediately demanded the
book and then allowed him to read it. The argu-
ments, however, on single items were given in a
brief digest ; for example, that he had done some
things in accordance with the decrees of com-
missioners, other things he had been prevented from
doing, not through his own fault, but that of the
very persons who made the accusations. He had
included also complaints about the injustice of the
decrees and how unfair had been the discussion
before Caecilius, and how he had been trampled
upon by everyone unjustifiably and in no wise as he
deserved. The senate took these to be indications
of his irritation ; but when the young man apologized
for some things and undertook that in the future

369

VOL. XI. B B

8 responderi placuit nihil patrem eius neque rectius
nee magis quod ex voluntate senatus esset fecisse,
quam quod,, utcumque ea gesta essent, per Deme-

9 trium filium satisfieri voluisset Romanis. Multa et
dissimulare et obli^-isci et pati praeterita senatum

10 posse, et credere etiam Demetrio.^ Obsidem enim se
animum eius habere, etsi corpus patri reddiderit, et
scire, quantum salva in patrem pietate possit, amicurn

11 eum popuh Romani esse, honorisque eius causa mis-
suros in Macedonian! legatos, ut si quid minus factum
sit quam debuerit, tum quoque sine piaculo rerum
praetermissarum fiat. \'elle etiam sentire Philippum
intecrra omnia sibi cum populo Romano Demetrii fiHi
beneficio esse.

XL\'III. Haec, quae augendae amplitudinis eius
causa facta erant, extemplo in invidiam, mox etiam
in perniciem adulescenti verterunt.

2 Lacedaemonii deinde introducti sunt. Multae et
par\-ae ^ disceptationes iactabantur ; sed quae
maxime rem continerent, erant utrum restituerentur

3 quos Achaei damnaverant necne ; inique an lure
occidissent quos occiderant, et ^ utrum manerent in

^ Demetrio Madvig : demetrio credendum esse (esset) r.

2 paruae r : paruulae M.

^ et Weissenborn : uertebatur et aut uertebant et ".

^ This whole episode is based on Polybius, XXIII. (XXIV.)
i.-iii. but -vrith a good deal of rearrangement and with the
postponement to the next Book of several items. By so
doing Liv^' has improved the rhetorical quality of the passage
at the expense of historical accuracy.

2 Livy has not mentioned the exile of any Lacedaemonians
by the Achaeans, but it would be very strange if some had not
been banished.

^ The victims of the massacre at Compasium : cf. xxxvi. 9
above and the note. In sect. 16 of that chapter Lycortas

BOOK XXXIX. xLvii. 8-xLviiT. 3

other things should be done as the senate specifically b.c. i83
desired, it was decided to reply that his father had
done nothing more correctly or more in accordance
with the senate's wishes than that, whatever his own
conduct had been, he had wished to be justified in
the eyes of the Romans through his son Demetrius.
The senate, they said, could close its eyes to much
and could forget and let the past be past and con-
tinue to trust to Demetrius. For they held his
soul hostage, even though his body had been restored
to his father, and they knew that, so far as his loyalty
to his father would permit, he would be a friend to
the Roman people, and for the sake of doing him
honour they would send ambassadors to Macedonia,
to say that if anything had not been done which
should have been done, it might even then be done
without any atonement being required for previous
omissions. They said that they wished Philip to
know that all things were unchanged between him
and the Roman people, thanks to his son Demetrius.

XLVIII. These things, which were done in order
to enhance his distinction, were immediately turned
into a cause of unpopularity and presently even of
ruin to the young man.^

Then the Lacedaemonians were brought in.
Many and trivial subjects of dispute were talked
about ; but those which contained the real gist of
the matter had to do with the question whether the
men whom the Achaeans had condemned should be
restored or not ; ^ whether those who had been
killed 3 had been killed justly or unjustly; and

ruled this question out as unimportant, but the Lacedaemonians
did not agree. Apparently the Romans did not decide either
way, but see sect. 4 below.

B B 2

x\chaico concilio Lacedaemonii an. ut ante fuerat,
secretum eius unius in Peloponneso civitatis ius

4 esset. Restitui iudiciaque facta tolli placuit,^ Lace-
daemonem manere in Achaico concilio scribique id
decretuni et consignari a Lacedaenioniis et Achaeis.

5 Legatus in Macedonian! Q. Marcius est missus,
iussus idem in Peloponneso sociorum res aspicere.
Nam ibi quoque et ex veteribus discordiis residui
motus erant. et Messene desciverat ^ a concilio

6 Achaico. Cuius belli et causas et ordinem si expro-
mere velim, immemor sim propositi, quo statui non
ultra attingere externa, nisi qua Romanis cohaere-
rent rebus.

XLIX. Eventus memorabilis est, quod, cum bello
superiores essent Achaei, Philopoemen praetor
eorum capitur, ad praeoccupandam Coronen, quam
hostes petebant, inita valle ^ iniqua cum equitibus

2 paucis oppressus. Ipsum potuisse eifugere Thracum
Cretensiumque auxilio tradunt : sed pudor relin-
quendi equites, nobilissimos gentis, ab ipso nuper

3 lectos,* tenuit. Quibus dum locum ad evadendas
angustias cogendo ipse agmen praebet, sustinens

^ placuit ed. Aldina : placere d placet et placeret r.

2 5lessene desciuerat r : messenii desciuerant M, fortasse
rectius.

3 inita valle Heraens, XXI. xxxv. 4 c&nferens : in ualle r.
* lectos r : electos M.

^ LivT has condensed and simplified the account of an affair
which, according to Polybius, XXIII. (XXIV.) iv. was far
from simple. Neither Liv^- nor Polybius is clear as to whether
the first clause of the decree covered the second question of
the Lacedaemonians as well as the first, or what action the
Romans took on the Compasium affair.

- He makes an exception of the Philopoemen episode.

372

BOOK XXXIX. XLviii. 3-xLix. 3

whether the Lacedaemonians should remain in the b.c. 183
Achaean League or, as had been the case before,
their state, alone in the Peloponnesus, should have a
separate constitution. It was decided that the exiles
should be restored and the judgments passed against
them reversed, and that Lacedaemon should remain
in the Achaean League, and that this decree should
be written down and signed by the Lacedaemonians
and Achaeans,^

Quintus Marcius was sent as a commissioner to
Macedonia, and was likewise instructed to look into
the affairs of the allies in the Peloponnesus. For
there were also both the troubles that were survivals
from ancient discords, and Messene had seceded
from the Achaean League. If I should wish to set
forth both the causes and the events of this war,^
I should be unmindful of my purpose, according to
which I have determined not to touch further upon
foreign affairs except as they are inseparable from
Roman history.^

XLIX. One event worthy of record occurred:
although the Achaeans had the advantage in the
war, their praetor Philopoemen was captured, who,
in order to get the lead in occupying Corone, for
which the enemy was making, entered a dangerous
valley, accompanied by a small guard of cavalry,
and was surprised. They say that he himself could
have escaped with the aid of the Thracians and
Cretans; but the shame, if he should abandon the
cavalry, the noblest of the people, and recently
chosen by him personally, restrained him. While
he was offering them a way of escape from the
narrow pass by holding the rear in person, sustaining

3 Cf. XXXV. xl. 1.

373

LRT

impetus hostium, prolapso equo et suo ipse casu et
onere equi super eum ruentis haud multum afuit, quin

4 exanimaretur. septuaginta annos iani natus et diutino
morbo, ex quo turn primum reficiebatur, \-iribus

o admodum attenuatis. lacentem hostes super-
fusi oppresserunt ; cognitumque primum a vere-
cundia memoriaque meritorum haud secus quam
ducem suum attollunt reficiuntque et ex valle devia
in \'iam portant, vix sibimet ipsi prae necopinato

6 gaudio credentes ; pars nuntios Messenen prae-
mittunt debellatum esse, Philopoemenem captum

7 adduci. Primum adeo incredibilis Wsa res, ut non
pro vano modo sed vix pro sano nuntius audiretur.
Deinde ut super alium alius idem om^nes affirmantes

8 veniebant, tandem facta fides : et priusquam appro-
pinquare urbi satis scirent, ad spectaculum omnes
simul liberi ac servi, pueri quoque cum feminis,
effunduntur. Itaque clauserat ^ portam turba, dum
pro se quisque, nisi ipse oculis suis credidisset, vix pro

9 comperta tantam rem habiturus \idetur.2 Aegre
summoventes obvios intrare portam, qui adducebant
Philopoemenem, potuerunt. Aeque ^ conferta turba

10 iter reliquum clauserat ; et cum pars maxima exclusa
a spectaculo esset, theatrum repente, quod pro-
pinquum viae erat, compleverunt et ut eo adducere-
tur in conspectum populi una voce omnes exposce-

11 bant. Magistratus et principes veriti ne quern

' clauserat ed. Froheniana 1535: clauserant r.
- videtur Crevier : uideretur ".
3 aeque ]Valc?i : atque r.

374

BOOK XXXIX. xLix. 3-1 1

the charge of the enemy, his horse fell and he himself b.c. 183
was very near to perishing from the shock to himself
and the weight of the horse which came down upon
him, being now seventy years old and much weakened
in strength as the result of a long illness from which
he was then just recovering. The enemy, rushing
past, came upon him lying there ; recognizing him
at once, because of their veneration for him and their
recollection of his past services, they raised him up
as if he were their own leader, revived him and
carried him out of the retired valley to the high-road,
scarcely believing their own eyes for this unexpected
joy ; part of them sent messengers ahead to Messene
to say that the war was over and that they were
bringing Philopoemen a prisoner. At first this
seemed so incredible that his words were listened to,
not merely as vain, but as the words of a messenger
who was scarcely sane. Then, as one after another
came, all bringing the same tidings, at length they
were convinced; and before they knew for certain
that he was approaching the city, all alike, free and
slave, children along with the w^omen, rushed out.
So the crowd had blocked the gate, while each for
himself, if he had not seen it with his own eyes,
would scarcely accept so great a thing as true.
The men who were bringing Philopoemen were
hardly able to thrust aside the bystanders and enter
the gate. An equally crowded mass had blocked the
rest of the way ; and when the largest part had been
excluded from the spectacle, they suddenly filled
the theatre, which adjoined the street, and with
one voice all demanded that he should be brought
there to be seen by the people. The magistrates
and leading citizens, fearing that pity for so great a

375

motum misericordia praesentis tanti \-iri faceret,
cum alios verecundia pristinae maiestatis collatae ^
praesenti fortunae, alios recordatio ingentium iiieri-
toriim motura esset, prociil in conspectu eum statue-
12 runt, deinde raptim ex oculis hominum abstraxerunt,
dicente praetore Dinocrate esse quae pertinentia ad
summam belli percunetari eum magistratus vellent.
Inde abducto eo in curiam et senatu \'ocato consultari
coeptum.

L, lam invesperascebat, et non modo cetera, sed
ne in proximam quidem noctem ubi satis tuto

2 custodiretur, expediebant. Obstupuerant ad magni-
tudinem pristinae eius fortunae \-irtutisque, et neque
ipsi domum recipere custodiendum audebant, nee

3 cuiquam uni custodiam eius satis credebant. Ad-
monent deinde quidam esse thesaurum publicum sub
terra, saxo quadrato saeptum. Eo vinctus demitti-
tur, et saxum ingens quo operitur machina super-

4 impositum est. Ita loco potius quam homini cui-
quam credendam custodiam rati, lucem insequentem

5 exspectaverunt. Postero die multitudo quidem
Integra, memor pristinorum eius in civitatem meri-
torum, parcendum ac per eum remedia quaerenda

6 esse praesentium malorum censebant : defectionis ^
auctores, quorum in manu res publica erat, in secreto
consultantes omnes ad necem eius consentiebant.
Sed utrum maturarent an difFerrent ambigebatur.

7 \ icit pars avidior poenae, missusque qui venenum

1 conlatae Duker : conlata r.

2 defectionis Gelenius : sed defectionis 31 : factionis aut
sed factionis r.

1 It resembled the Tullianum in Rome, in design if not in
use.

376

BOOK XXXIX. xLix. ii-L. 7

man, present before their eyes, might cause some b.c. 183
disturbance, since regret at his former greatness
compared with his present fortune would move some
and recollection of his tremendous services others,
placed him in sight but at a distance, and then
speedily removed him from the eyes of men, the
praetor Dinocrates saying that there were matters
pertaining to the final issue of the war on which the
magistrates wished to question him. Then, after
taking him to the senate-house and calling the
council, they began their deliberations.

L. It was now growing dark, and not only were
all other things uncertain, but even where they could
guard him with sufficient safety even for the ensuing-
night. They had been awed by the greatness of his
former success and courage, and neither did they
dare to receive him into their own homes for guarding
nor were they satisfied to entrust the guardianship
of him to any one man. Then someone reminded
them that there was a public treasury underground,
walled in by hewTi stones.^ Bound, he was let down
into it and a great stone by which it was closed
placed by machinery over it. So, thinking that they
should trust the place, rather than any man, to keep
him safe, they waited for the coming morning. The
next day the whole multitude, mindful of his former
services to the state, considered that he should be
spared and that through him remedies should be
sought out for their present troubles : the authors
of the revolt, who had the administration in their
hands, held a secret consultation, and all were agreed
upon his death. But it was not agreed whether
they should act at once or delay. The faction that
was more insistent on punishment prevailed, and a

377

LIVY

ferret. Accepto poculo nihil aliud locutum ferunt
quam quaesisse, si incolumis Lvcortas — is alter
imperator Achaeorum erat — equitesque evasissent.

8 Postquam dictum est incolumes esse, " bene habet "
inquit et poculo impavide exhausto baud ita multo

9 post exspiravit. Non diuturnum mortis eius ^audium
auctoribus crudelitatis fuit, Victa namque Messene
bello exposcentibus Achaeis dedidit noxios, ossaque
reddita Philopoemenis sunt, et sepultus ab universe
Achaico est concilio, adeo omnibus humanis congestis

10 honoribus, ut ne divinis quidem abstineretur. Ab
scriptoribus rerum Graecis Latinisque tantum huic
viro tribuitur ut a quibusdam eorum, velut ad in-
signem notam huius anni, memoriae mandatum sit
tres claros imperatores eo anno decessisse, Philopoe-

11 menem, Hannibalem, P. Scipionem : adeo in aequo
eum duarum ^ potentissimarum gentium summis
imperatoribus posuerunt.

LI. Ad Prusiam regem legatus T. Quinctius

Flamininus venit, quern suspectum Romanis et

receptus post fugam Antiochi Hannibal et bellum

2 adversus Eumenem motum faciebat. Ibi seu quia

a Flaminino inter cetera obiectum Prusiae erat

^ duarum Gelenius : duobus r.

^ The hipparchus or praefectus equitum (XXXV. xxxiv. 9)
was second in command.

2 This revives the question of the date of Scipio's death,
to which Liw had found no answer when he wrote the latter
chapters of Book XXXVIII, and which he discusses again in
chap. lii. below. (It remains a mystery why he did not con-
solidate this chapter with his earlier discussion.) Antiquity
was fond of coincidences, and it was convenient, if onlv for

3/8

BOOK XXXIX. L. 7-Li. 2

man was sent to take him the poison. Receiving the b.c 183
cup, he asked only if Lycortas — he was the other
commander ^ of the Achaeans — was safe and if the
cavalry had escaped. When he was assured that
they were safe, he said " it is well," and courageously
draining the cup perished no long time afterwards.
The persons responsible for this act of cruelty had no
great time in which to rejoice in his death. For
Messene, being conquered in the war, at the demand
of the Achaeans handed over the guilty persons, and
the bones of Philopoemen were given back and he
was buried by the whole Achaean League, all human
distinctions being heaped upon him to such a degree
that they did not even refrain from divine honours.
"Greek and Latin historians pay such tribute to this
man that some of them have put it on record, as if
it were a conspicuous brand of infamy set against
this year, that three famous generals died during
this year — Philopoemen, Hannibal, Publius Scipio :
on terms of such equality have they placed him with
the greatest commanders of the two most powerful
nations. 2

LL Titus Quinctius Flamininus went as an
ambassador to King Prusias, whom the Romans
suspected both because he had given shelter to
Hannibal after the flight of Antiochus ^ and because
he had begun and was carrying on war against
Eumenes. There, whether Prusias was reproached
by Flamininus on this ground among others, because

mnemonic reasons, to have the three greatest generals
associated in death, even if only two were associated in life
(Philopoemen had been compared with Flamininus rather
than with Scipio : cf. XXXV. xxx. 12-13 and the note).
3 Cf. XXXVII. xlv. 16 and the note.

379

LIVY

hominem omnium, qui viverent, infestissimum populo
Romano apud eum esse, qui patriae suae primum,
deinde fractis eius opibus Antiocho regi auctor belli

3 adversus populum Romanum fuisset : seu quia ipse
Prusias, ut ^ gratificaretur praesenti Flaminino
Romanisque, per se necandi aut tradendi eius in
potestatem consilium cepit ; a primo colloquio
Flaminini milites extemplo ad domum Hannibalis

4 custodiendam missi sunt. Semper talem exitum
vitae suae Hannibal prospexerat animo et Romanorum
inexpiabile - odium in se cernens. et fidei regum nihil
sane confisus : ^ Prusiae vero levitatem etiam expertus
erat ; Flaminini quoque adventum sibi velut fatalem

5 horruerat. Ad omnia undique infe-^ta ut iter semper
aliquod praeparatum fugae haberet, septem exitus
e domo fecerat, et ex iis quosdam occultos, ne custodia

6 saepirentur, Sed grave imperium regum nihil inex-
ploratum, quod vestigari volunt, efficit. Totius cir-
cuitum domus ita custodiis complexi sunt, ut nemo

7 inde elabi posset. Hannibal, postquam est nuntia-
tum ^ milites regios in vestibulo esse, postico, quod
devium maxime atque occultissimi exitus erat,

8 fugere conatus, ut id quoque occursu militum
obsaeptum sensit et omnia circa clausa custodiis
dispositis esse venenum, quod multo ante praepara-

9 tum ad tales habebat casus, poposcit. ' Liberemus
inquit ^ " diuturna cura populum Romanum, quando

^ ut ed. Froheniana 1535 : om. ~.

2 inexpiabile ed. Parisina 1513 : inexplicabile r.

3 confisus r : fret us M.

* est nuntiatum ejl. Ahlina : nuntiatum M : est enuntiatum

° inquit edd. vett. : om. ~.

380

BOOK XXXIX. LI. 2-9

of all living men the one who was most danger- b.c. 183
ous to the Roman people was at his court, the man
who had first urged his own country and then, after
its defeat, King Antiochus to war upon the Roman
people, or whether Prusias himself, in order to do a
favour to Flamininus when he came and to the
Romans, formed the plan of killing him or giving
him into custody ; for whatever reason, immediately
after the first conference with Flamininus he sent
soldiers to put the house of Hannibal under guard.
Hannibal had always foreseen such an end to his life,
both from his knowledge of the insatiable hatred of
the Romans for him and from his lack of faith in the
loyalty of kings : as for Prusias, he had in fact
experienced his fickleness ; ^ then too the arrival of
Flamininus had made him tremble as at the signal
for his doom. Having regard to the dangers which
were all around him, in order that he might always
have some way of escape in readiness, he had made
seven exits from his house, and some of these were
secret, lest he might be hemmed in by guards. But
the dread power of kings leaves nothing unexplored
when they want it traced down. They surrounded
the whole area about the house with guards, so that .
no one could escape from it. When the word was
brought to him that the king's troops were in the
vestibule, Hannibal attempted to escape by a side
door which was out of the way and especially adapted
to a stealthy departure, and when he found that this
too was blocked by guards stationed around it, he
called for the poison which he had long kept ready
for such emergencies. " Let us," he said, " relieve
the Roman people of their long anxiety, since they
^ The meaning of the allusion is not known.

381

10 mortem senis exspectare longum censent. Nee
magnam nee memorabilem ex inermi proditoque
Flamininus \-ictoriam feret. Mores quidem populi
Romani quantum mutaverint, vel hie dies argumento

11 erit. Horum patres Pp-rho regi, hosti armato,
exercitum in Italia habenti ut a veneno caveret
praedixerunt : hi legatum consularem, qui auctor
esset Prusiae per scelus occidendi hospitis, miserunt."

12 Execratus deinde in caput regnumque Prusiae et
hospitale? deos violatae ab eo fidei testes invocans,
poculum exhausit. Hie vitae exitus fuit Hannibaiis.

LII. Scipionem et Polybius et Rutilius hoc anno
mortuum scribunt. Ego neque his neque ^'alerio ad-
sentior, his, quod censoribus M. Porcio L. Valerio
L. \^alerium ^ principem senatus ipsum censorem
lectum invenio, cum superioribus duobus lustris

2 Africanus fuisset, quo \-ivo, nisi ut ille senatu move-
retur, quam notam nemo memoriae prodidit, ahus

3 princeps in locum eius lectus non esset. Antiatem
auctorem refellit tribunus plebis M. Xaevius, adversus

^ L. Valerium Hertz : post ipsum coU. edd. vett. : om. ~.

^ Xepos {Hannibal 13) gives his age at his death as 70, but
says that different authorities place his death in 183, 182,
and 181 B.C.

2 Polybius (XXIV. ix.-ix.a) and Rutilius (consul 105 B.C.,
a member of the Scipionic circle, although much younger
than the majority, and a writer of memoirs) should have had
access to family records and other evidence as to the date.
Yet apparently Polybius (I.e.; cf. Xepos, I.e.), despite what
Liv%' says here, puts the date a year later. Rutilius is no-
where else quoted by Livy.

^ Antias dated Scipio's death in 187 B.C. : XXXVIII.
liii. 8.

* The censors of 189 b.c. gave him this rank for the third
time (XXXVIII. xxviii. 2 and the note). The choice of

382

BOOK XXXIX. LI. 9-Lii. 3

find it tedious to wait for the death of an old man.^ b.c.iss
Neither magnificent nor memorable will be the
victory which Flamininus will win over a man un-
armed and betrayed. How much the manners of
the Roman people have changed, this day in truth
will prove. Their fathers sent word to King Pyrrhus,
an enemy in arms, commanding an army in Italy,
warning him to beware of poison: these Romans
have sent an ambassador of consular rank to urge
upon Prusias the crime of murdering his guest."
Then, cursing the person and the kingdom of Prusias
and calling upon the gods of hospitality to bear
witness to his breach of faith, he drained the cup.
This was the end of the life of Hannibal.

LII. Scipio also, as both Polybius and Rutilius ^
write, died this year. For my part, I agree neither
with them nor with Valerius^ — not with them, because
in the censorship of Marcus Porcius and Lucius
Valerius I find that the princeps senatus chosen was
the same Lucius Valerius who was censor, whereas
in the two preceding lustra ^ Africanus had held this
distinction, and while he lived, unless he had been
expelled from the senate, a disgrace which no one
has recorded, another pri?iceps would not have been
chosen in his stead.^ The refutation of Antias as an
authority is the tribune of the people Marcus Naevius,

Valerius in 184 B.C. is not mentioned in the running account
of the censorship (xliii. 5-xliv. 9 above).

^ Livy thus concludes that Scipio was dead before the lectio
by Cato and Flaccus. Their active term as censors extended
from March 15, 184 B.C., to about mid-September 183 B.C.,
and the lectio might have been held late in the period. So
far as this evidence goes, then, Scipio's death might have
occurred as late as the summer of 183 B.C., and Livy's criticism
is not necessarily valid.

3^3

4 quern oratio inscripta P. Africani est. Hie Naevius
in magistratuum libris est tribunus plebis ^ P. Claudio
L. Porcio consulibus, sed iniit tribunatum Ap.
Claudio M. Sempronio consulibus ante diem quartum

5 idus Decembres. Inde tres menses ad idus Martias
sunt, quibus P. Claudius L. Porcius consulatum

6 inierunt. Ita ^ vixisse in tribunatu Nae\'ii \idetur,
diesque ei dici ab eo potuisse, decessisse autem ante
L. \ alerii et M. Porcii censuram.

7 Trium clarissimorum suae cuiusque gentis virorum
non tempore magis congruente comparabilis mors
videtur esse, quam quod nemo eorum satis dignum

8 splendore vitae exitum habuit. lam primum omnes

^ in magistratuum libris est tribunus plebis Gelenius :
magistratum iniit tribunus plebis r.
2 ita Gelenius : ita et ~.

^ Cf. XXXVIII. Ivi. 6 and the note. Livy forgets here his
own remark, that the speech itself did not contain the name
of Naevius.

2 Presumably official registers containing the names of the
magistrates year by year.

^ Inauguration day for consuls at this period was March
1.5; for tribunes, apparently at all times, December 10.
Naevius then entered upon his office December 10, 185 B.C.
(Ap. Claudius M. Sempronius coss.), and his term was con-
current with that of P. Claudius and Porcius (and of Cato and
Flaccus) from March 15 to December 10, 184 B.C. If Naevius
was the prosecutor Scipio could not have been tried in 187
B.C. Livy does not observe that his criticism brings under
suspicion his entire narrative of the trial, so far as it is based
on Antias.

^ The last sentence seems to be an attempt to reconcile
conflicting testimony. Livy has rejected 183 B.C. (Polybius
and Rutilius) because he believes that Scipio was dead before
the censorship of Cato and Flaccus beginning March 15,
184 B.C. He has rejected 187 B.C. ( Antias j because he now

384

BOOK XXXIX. Lii. 3-8

against whom was directed, according to the title,^ b.c. 183
the speech of PubHus Africanus. This Naevius, in
the books of the magistrates,^ is named as tribune of
the people in the consulship of Publius Claudius and
Lucius Porcius, but he entered upon the tribunate
in the consulship of Appius Claudius and Marcus
Sempronius, on the fourth day before the Ides of
December. From that time it is three months to
the Ides of March, when Publius Claudius and Lucius
Porcius were inaugurated.^ Thus it seems that he
lived in the tribunate of Naevius and that he might
have been accused by him, but died before the
censorship of Lucius \^alerius and Marcus Porcius."*

It seems that the deaths of these three men, each
the most famous among his own people, are com-
parable not so much because of the coincidence of
their times, as because no one of them met an end
worthy of the brilliance of his life. In the first

believes that Naevius was the prosecutor (term beginning
December 10, 185 b.c). Since Livy thinks that death followed
soon after the trial, this reasoning brackets both events as
having occurred between December 10, 185 B.C., and March 15,
184 B.C., this being the portion of the term of Naevius which
does not overlap that of Cato and Flaccus.

The whole is an interesting specimen of Livy's historical
criticism, the more valuable because there are so few parallels.
But his readiness to follow one source, almost blindly, in Book
XXXVIII, while professing his inability to reconcile it with
other sources, his refutation of that same source in this
passage, the fallacies in his own argumentation, and his ability
to omit important details, do not increase our faith in his
sritical sense. (Of the two pieces of evidence employed
here, he neglected one and rejected the other in Book
XXXVIII.) One wonders how much of what he had said in
Book XXXVIII. was in his active memory when he wTote
Book XXXIX. and why the earlier narrative was allowed to
stand after he was convinced that it was wrong.

38s

VOL. XI. C C

non in patrio ^ solo mortui nee sepulti sunt. Veneno
absumpti Hannibal et Philopoemen ; exul Hannibal,
proditus ab hospite, captus Philopoemen in carcere et ||
9 in \-inculis exspira\it ; Scipio etsi non exul neque ^
damnatus, die tamen dicta, ad quam non adfuerat
reus, absens citatus, voluntarium non sibimet ipse
solum sed etiam funeri suo exilium indixit.

LHI. Dum ea in Peloponneso, a quibus devertit
oratio, geruntur, reditus in Macedoniam Demetrii
legatorumque aliter aliorum aifecerat animos.

2 Volgus Macedonum, quos belli ab Romanis im-
minentis metus terruerat, Demetrium ut pacis
auctorem cum ingenti favore conspiciebant, simul et
spe baud dubia regnum ei post mortem patris

3 destinabant. Nam etsi minor aetate quam Perseus
asset, hunc iusta matre familiae, ilium paelice ortum
esse ; ilium ut ex vulgato corpore genitum nullam
certi patris notam habere, hunc insignem Philippi

4 similitudinem prae se ferre. Ad hoc Romanos
Demetrium in paterno solio locaturos, Persei nullam

5 apud eos gratiam esse. Haec vulgo loquebantur.
Itaque et Persea cura angebat, ne parum pro se una
aetas valeret, cum aliis omnibus rebus frater superior

6 asset ; et Philippus ipse, \ix sui arbitrii fore, quern
heredem regni relinquerat credens, sibi quoque gravi-

1 in patrio edd. vdi. : patrio r.

^ Cf. xlviii. 6 above.

- Plutarch {Aemilius, viii.) hints that Perseus was not the
son of Philip, and in XL. ix. 2 Perseus himself suggests the
same possibihtj'.

386

BOOK XXXIX. Lii. 8-Lin. 6

place, none of them either died or was buried in his b.c. is^
native land. Hannibal and Philopoemen were
carried off by poison ; Hannibal was an exile, be-
trayed by his host, Philopoemen, a captive, died in
prison and in chains ; Scipio, although not an exile
or condemned, yet, because he was absent when
summoned, on the day he failed to stand trial, pro-
nounced a sentence of voluntary exile not only upon
himself but upon his funeral.

LHI. While these events,^ as a result of which
my narrative turned from its course, were occurring
in the Peloponnesus, the return of Demetrius and
the other ambassadors to Macedonia had made
different impressions upon different minds. The
mass of the Macedonians, terrified by the fear of
the war which threatened from the Romans, looked
with very great favour upon Demetrius as the author
of peace, and at the same time marked him with
assured hope for the throne after the death of his
father. For although he w^as younger in years than
Perseus, men recalled that Demetrius was born of a
legal wife, the other of a concubine; that the elder,
the offspring of a body accessible to all, bore no sure
mark of his father,^ while Demetrius displayed a
notable resemblance to Philip. Besides, they said,
the Romans would establish Demetrius upon his
father's throne, while Perseus w^ould have no influence
with them. Such was the general talk. Accordingly
Perseus, on the one hand, was anxiously afraid that
his age by itself would not carry sufficient weight in
his behalf, while his brother had the advantage in all
other respects, and on the other, Philip himself,
believing that it would hardly be in his power to
decide w^hich son he should leave as heir to his

387

cc 2

LIVY

7 orem esse quam vellet minorem filium aiebat. Offen-
debatur interdum concurs u Macedonum ad eum, et

8 alteram iam se vivo regiam esse indignabatur. Et
ipse iuvenis haud dubie inflatior redierat, subnisus
erga se iudiciis senatus, concessisque sibi, quae patri

9 negata essent ; et omnis mentio Romanorum quantam
dignitatem ei apud ceteros Macedonas, tantam
inWdiam non apud fratrem modo sed etiam apud

10 patrem conciliabat, utique postquam legati alii
Romani venerunt, et cogebatur decedere Thracia
praesidiaque deducere et alia aut ex decreto priorum
legatorum aut ex nova constitutione senatus facere.

11 Sed omnia maerens quidem et gemens, eo magis
quod filium frequentiorem prope cum illis quam
secum cernebat. oboedienter tamen adversus Ro-
manes faciebat, ne quam movendi extemplo belli

12 causam praeberet. Avertendos etiam ^ animos a
suspicione talium consiliorum ratus, mediam per ^
Thraciam exercitum in Odrysas et Dentheletos et

13 Bessos duxit : Philippopolin urbem fuga desertam
oppidanorum, qui in proximia montium iuga cum
familiis receperant sese, cepit, campestresque bar-
baros, depopulatus agros eorum, in deditionem

14 accepit. Relicto inde ad Philippopolin praesidio,

^ praeberet. avertendos etiam Gelenius : praeheret etiam
auertendos M : praeuertendos etiam r.
^ per Heraeus : in r.

^ Both thought and language closely parallel those of
Antiochus in similar circumstances (XXXV. xv. 4).

2 Livy hints at (xlvii. 3-11 above), and Polybius XXIII.
(XXIV.) iii. stresses the harm which the senate did by stimu-
lating the vanity of Demetrius.

^ Probably Marcius is meant (xlviii. 5 above).

388

BOOK XXXIX. Liii. 6-14

throne, kept saying that his younger son was a b.c. 183
greater burden to him than he wished.^ He was
displeased at times by the throngs of Macedonians
who visited his son, and was indignant that while he
lived there should be a second court. And there is
no doubt that the young man had returned too much
puffed up regarding himself,^ relying somewhat on
the judgments of the senate about him, and on the
concessions made to him of what had been refused
to his father ; and whatever importance every refer-
ence to the Romans brought to him with the rest of
the Macedonians, it brought him also exactly as
much ill-will, not only with his brother but even
with his father, especially after other ^ Roman
commissioners came and Philip was compelled to
evacuate Thrace and withdraw his garrisons and do
other things in accordance with either the decisions
of previous commissioners or the new arrangements
of the senate. But, although it was with grief and
lamentation, the more because he saw his son more
frequently in the company of the commissioners than
with himself, he nevertheless obeyed the Romans in
everything, in order to give them no reason for
immediately declaring war. Thinking also that their
thoughts should be diverted from any suspicion of
such designs, he led his army through the interior
of Thrace against the Odrysae and Dentheleti and
Bessi : he took the city of Philippopolis,* deserted
by the flight of its citizens, who with their families
had fled to the nearest mountains, and received in
surrender the barbarians of the plain, after plunder-
ing their farms. Leaving a garrison in Philippopolis

* Probably in the territory of the Odrysae; not the town
of the same name mentioned in xxv. 3 above.

LIVY

quod haud multo post ab Odrysis expulsum est,

oppidum in Deuriopo condere instituit — Paeoniae ea
15 regio est — prope Erigonum fluvium, qui ex Illyrico

per Pelagoniami fluens in Axium amnem editur,
IG haud procul Stobis, vetere urbe : novam urbem

Perseida, ut is filio maiori haberetur honos, appellari

iussit.

LIV. Dum haec in Macedonia geruntur, consules

2 in pro\'incias profecti. Marcellus nuntium praemisit
ad L. Porcium proconsulem ut ad novum Gallorum

3 oppidum legiones admoveret. Advenienti consuli
Galli sese dediderunt. Duodecim miiia armatorum
erant : plerique arma ex agris rapta habebant ; ea

4 aegre patientibus iis adempta, quaeque alia aut
populantes agros rapuerant aut secum attulerant.
De his rebus qui quererentur, legatos Romam mi-

5 serunt. Introducti in senatum a C. Valerio praetore
exposuerunt se superante in Galha multitudine inopia
coactos agri et egestate ad quaerendam sedem Alpes
transgressos, quae inculta per soUtudines viderent,

6 ibi sine uUius iniuria consedisse. Oppidum quoque
aedificare coepisse, quod indicium esset nee agro
nee urbi uUi \-im adlaturos venisse. Nuper M.
Claudium ad se nuntium misisse bellum se cum iis,

7 ni dederentur, gesturum. Se certam, etsi non
speciosam pacem quam incerta belH praeoptantes

^ Pelagoniam Schaefer : paeoniam r.
^ Cf . xxii. 6-7 and xlr. 6-7 above.

I

BOOK XXXIX. Liii. 14-LIV. 7

(it was expelled a little later by the Odrysae), he b.c. 183
decided to found a city in Deuriopus — this is a
district in Paeonia — near the Erigonus river, which
flows from Illyricum through Pelagonia and empties
into the Axius river not far from the ancient city of
Stobi: to the new city he ordered the name of
Perseis to be given, so as to show honour to his elder
son.

LIV. While this was going on in Macedonia, the
consuls departed for their provinces. Marcellus
sent a messenger ahead to the proconsul Lucius
Porcius, ordering him to move the legions to the new
town of the Gauls. ^ On the arrival of the consul the
Gauls surrendered. There were twelve thousand
armed men : most of them had weapons picked up
in the country ; these were taken from them, to their
great displeasure, and whatever else they had either
carried off while ravaging the fields or had brought
with them. They sent ambassadors to Rome to
complain of this treatment. Introduced to the
senate by Gaius Valerius the praetor, they explained
that since the population of Gaul was too great,
compelled by poverty and the unproductiveness of
the soil, they had crossed the Alps in search of a
home, and when they found a region which was
untilled for lack of settlers, there they established
themselves without injuring anyone. They had
even, they said, begun to build a town, which was
an indication that they had come with no design
to harm either farm or city. Recently Marcus
Claudius had sent a message to them that he would
make war upon them if they did not surrender.
Preferring an assured though unattractive peace to
the uncertainties of war, they had entrusted them-

391

dedidisse se prius in fidem quam in potestatem populi

8 Romani. Post paucos dies iussos et urbe et agro
decedere sese tacitos abire, quo terrarum possent, in
animo habuisse. Arma deinde sibi, et postremo
omnia alia, quae ferrent agerentque. adempta.

9 Orare se senatum populumque Romanum, ne in se
innoxios deditos acerbius quam in hostes sae\'irent.

10 Huic orationi senatus ita responderi iussit, neque
illos recte fecisse. cum in Italiam venerint oppi-
dumque in alieno agro, nullius Romani magistratus,
qui ei pro\"inciae praeesset, permissu aedificare conati

11 sint : neque senatui placere deditos spoliari. Itaque
se cum iis legatos ad consulemmissuros, qui si redeant
unde venerint, omnia iis sua reddi iubeant, quique
protinus eant trans Alpes, et denuntient Gallicis po-

12 pulis, multitudinem suam domi contineant : Alpes
prope inexsuperabilem finem in medio esse : non
utique iis melius fore quam qui ^ eas primi per\'ias

13 fecissent. Legati missi L. Furius Purpurio Q.
Minucius L. Manlius Acidinus. Galli, redditis
omnibus, quae sine cuiusquam iniuria habebant,
Italia excesserunt.

L^'. Legatis Romanis Transalpini populi benigne

^ queLin qui Sigoni us : qui r.

1 Their situation is not unlike that of the Aetolians(XXX^'I.
xxvii. 8-xxviii. 6 and the notes).

2 The eastern boundary' of Cisalpine Gaul had never been
defined, and the Gauls may have innocently supposed that
the Romans did not intend to occupy this region. Roman
ambitions, however, were now directed to Histria, and a
colony at Aquileia was contemplated (Iv. 4—6 below).

3 That is, earlier Gallic invaders who had met defeat on
Italian soil.

■* Furius may have been one of the senators who received
the nota (xlii. 5-6 above) : the fragments of Cato's speeches

I

BOOK XXXIX. Liv. 7-Lv. i

selves to the good faith rather than to the power of b.c. iss
the Roman people.^ When, a few days later, they
were ordered to leave the town and the country as
well, they had planned to go away in silence, wherever
in the Morld they could. Then, they went on to say,
their arms were taken from them, and finally every-
thing else which they were carrying or driving.
They begged the senate and the Roman people not
to treat innocent persons who had surrendered more
harshly than enemies. The senate ordered the reply
to be given to this appeal, that neither had they
acted properly when they came into Italy and
attempted to build a town on others' land, without
the permission of any Roman magistrate who was in
charge of that province ; ^ nor did it please the senate
to despoil men who had surrendered. Accordingly,
the senate would send with them ambassadors to
the consul who would direct him, on condition that
they would return whence they had come, to give
back all their property, and who would then cross
the Alps and warn the Gallic tribes to keep their
population at home : the Alps were an almost
insuperable boundary between them : in any case
they would fare no better than those who had first
made them passable.^ The ambassadors who were
sent were Lucius Furius Purpurio,* Quintus Minucius,
Lucius Manlius Acidinus. The Gauls, having re-
covered all the property which they acquired without
injuring anyone, left Italy.

LV. The Roman ambassadors were graciously
answered by the Transalpine peoples. Their elders

against a Furius (the identification is not quite certain) seem
to date from his censorship. If this is true, the embassy must
have preceded the lectio senatus.

393

rc^ponderunt. Seniores eorum nimiam lenitatem

2 populi Romani castigarunt , quod eos homines , qui ^entis
iniussu profecti occupare agrum imperii Romani et in
alieno solo aedificare oppidum conati sint, impunitos
dimiserint : debuisse gravem temeritatis mercedem

3 statui. Quod vero etiam sua reddiderint, vereri ne
tanta indulgentia plures ad talia audenda impellantur.

4 Et exceperunt et ^ prosecuti cum donis legatos sunt.

M. Claudius consul Gallis ex provincia exactis His-
tricum bellum moliri coepit litteris ad senatum
missis, ut sibi in Histriam traducere legiones liceret.

5 Id senatui non placuit.^ Illud agitabant uti colonia
Aquileia deduceretur. nee satis constabat utrum
Latinam an ci\'ium Romanorum deduci placeret.
Postremo Latinam potius coloniam deducendam

6 patres censuerunt. Triumviri creati sunt P. Scipio
Xasica C. Flaminius L. Manlius Acidinus.

Eodem anno Mutina et Parma eoloniae ci\'ium Ro-

7 manorum sunt deductae. Bina milia hominum in
agro, qui proxime Boiorum, ante Tuscorum fuerat^
octona iugera Parmae. quina Mutinae acceperunt.

8 Deduxerunt triumviri Si. Aemilius Lepidus T.
0 Aebutius Parrus ^ L, Quinctius Crispinus. Et

Saturnia colonia civium Romanorum in agrum Cale-
tranum est deducta. Deduxerunt trium\iri Q.

1 et r : ita M.

2 non placuit Xovdk : placnit r.

3 Parrus {vel Panis) Buechder : cams r.

^ Since the territory of the Veneti had now been tacitly
absorbed, the Histrians, living on the peninsula to the south
of the modem Trieste, were near neighbours. There seems
to be no evidence that they had given the Romans any cause
to attack them at this time.

394

BOOK XXXIX. LV. 1-9

reproved the Roman people for their excessive b.c. 183
lenience, because those men who had set out without
the permission of their state and had'-Mtempted to
occupy land belonging to the Roman empire and to
build a town on others' soil had been let go un-
punished: they should have been made to pay a
heavy toll for their rash action. Moreover, as to
the restoration of their property, the elders feared
that such generosity might tempt more peoples to
try the same venture. The ambassadors were both
received and sent on their way with gifts.

Marcus Claudius the consul, having expelled the
Gauls from the province, began to scheme for a war
with the Histrians,^ sending letters to the senate for
permission to lead the legions into Histria. This did
not please the senate. They were discussing the
question of establishing a colony at Aquileia, but it
was not generally agreed whether it should be a
Latin colony or one of Roman citizens. Finally,
the Fathers voted that a Latin colony rather should
be founded. The three commissioners elected were
Publius Scipio Nasica, Gaius Flaminius, Lucius
Manlius Acidinus.

In the same year Mutina and Parma, colonies of
Roman citizens, were established. Two thousand men
in each case were settled on the land that had recently
belonged to the Boi ^ and previously to the Etruscans,
and the allotments at Parma were eight iugera each,
at Mutina five. The board of three which founded
them consisted of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, Titus
Aebutius Parrus, Lucius Quinctius Crispinus. Also,
a colony of Roman citizens was established at
Saturnia in the ager Caletranus? The board of three

2 Cf. XXXVI. xxxix. 3. 3 In Etruria.

395

LIVY

Fabius Labeo C. x\franius Stellio Ti. Sempronius
Gracchus. In singulos iugera data dena.^

LVI. Eodem anno A. Terentius proconsul haud
procul flumine Hibero, in agro Ausetano, et proelia
secunda cum Celtiberis fecit, et oppida. quae ibi

2 conimunierant, aliquot expugnavit. Ulterior ^ His-
pania eo anno in pace fuit ^ quia et P. Sempronius
proconsul diutino morbo est implicitus, et nullo

3 lacessente peropportune quieverunt Lusitani. Nee
in Liguribus memorabile quicquam a Q. Fabio
consule ^estum.

Ex Histria revocatus M. Marcellus exercitu

4 dimisso Romam comitiorum causa rediit. Crea\it
consules Cn. Baebium Tamphilum et L. Aemilium
Paulum. Cum M. Aemilio Lepido hie aedilis curulis
fuerat ; a quo consule quintus annus erat, cum is ipse
Lepidus post duas repulsas consul factus esset.

5 Praetores inde facti Q. FulWus Flaccus M. Valerius
Lae^•inus P. Manlius ^ iterum M. Ogulnius Gallus L.
CaeciHus Denter C. Terentius Istra.

6 Supplicatio extremo anno fuit prodigiorum causa,
quod sanguine per biduum pluvisse in area Concordiae
satis credebant, nuntiatumque erat haud procul
Sicilia insulam, quae non ante fuerat, novam editam

1 dena H. J. Mueller : decern M : om. r.

2 ulterior Glareanus : citerior r.

3 e.a.i.p.f. ed. FrobeniuTia 1535 : i.p.f.e.a. ~.
* P. Manlius ed. Aldina : p. aemilius r.

1 Lepidus was consul in 187 B.C. We are left to conjecture
the number of defeats suffered by Paulus. Liv^' seems to
dwell on the failures of Paulus, possibly for the contrast
with his later brilliant career in Macedonia.

'^ His first praetorship was in 195 B.C. (XXXIII. xlii. 7).
No reason is known for this unusual career.

396

BOOK XXXIX. Lv. 9-Lvi. 6

which founded it consisted of Quintus Fabius Labeo, b.c. i83
Gaius Afranius Stelho, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus.
Ten iugera were given to each colonist.

LVI. In the same year the proconsul Aulus Ter-
entius, not far from the river Ebro, in the country
of the Ausetani, both fought successful battles with
the Celtiberians and captured a number of towns
which they had fortified. Farther Spain that year
was at peace, partly because Publius Sempronius the
proconsul was suffering from a long illness, and with
no one to provoke them the Lusitanians very fortu-
nately remained quiet. Nor was anything worth
recording done by the consul Quintus Fabius among
the Ligurians.

Marcus Marcellus, recalled from Histria, disbanded
his army and returned to Rome to hold the elections.
He returned as consuls Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus
and Lucius Aemilius Paulus. The latter had been
curule aedile with Marcus Aemilius Lepidus ; this
was the fifth year after the consulship of Lepidus,

S" although Lepidus himself became consul after two ,
defeats.^ Next the praetors were chosen, Quintus x
Fulvius Flaccus, Marcus Valerius Laevinus, Publius
Manlius (for the second time) ,2 Marcus Ogulnius
Gallus, Lucius Caecilius Denter, Gaius Terentius
Istra.

At the end of the year there was a period of prayer
by reason of the prodigies, because the Romans were
well persuaded that there had been a shower of
blood, lasting two days, in the precinct of Concord,^
and because it was reported that not far from Sicily,
a new island which had not been there before had

^ Cf . also xlvi. 5 above and the note and XL. xix. 2.

397

r.c. 7 e mari esse. Hannibalem hoc anno Antias Valerius

^'^ decessisse est auctor legatis ad earn rem ad Prusiam

missis praeter T. Quinctium Flamininum, cuius in ea

re celebre est nomen, L. Scipione Asiatico et P.

Scipione Nasica.

398

BOOK XXXIX. Lvi. 6-7

risen from the sea. Valerius Antias says that b.c. 183
Hannibal died this year, ambassadors having been
sent to Prusias for this purpose, namely, Lucius
Scipio Asiaticus and Publius Scipio Nasica,^ in
addition to Titus Quinctius Flamininus, whose name
is best known in this connection.

^ Again Livy appends an afterthought, inconsistent with
his previous narrative.

399

LIBRI XXXIX PERIOCHA

M. Aemilius cos. Liguribiis subactis viam Placentia
usque Arimmum productam Flaminiae iunxit. Initia
luxuriae in urbem introducta ab exercitu Asiatico refe-
runtur. Ligures quicumque citra Appenninum erant
subacti sunt. Bacchanalia, sacrum Graecum et noc-
turnum, omnium scelerum seminarium, cum ad ingentis
turbae coniurationem pervenisset,i ui\estigatum et
multorum poena sublatum est. A censohbus L. Valeric
Flacco et M. Porcio Catone,^ et belli et pacis artibus
maximo, motus est senatu L. Quinctius Flamininus.
T.^ frater, eo quod cum * Galliam provinciam consul
obtineret, rogatus in convivio a Poeno Piiilippo quern
amabat, scorto nobili, Galium quendam sua manu occide-
rat sive, ut quidam tradiderunt, unum ex damnatis
securi percusserat rogatus a meretrice Placentina cuius
amore deperibat. Exstat oratio M. Catonis in eum. Scipio
Literni decessit et, tamquam iungente ^ fortuna, circa
idem tempus duo funera maximorum virorum, Hannibal
a Prusia Bithyniae rege, ad quem victo Antiocho con-
fugerat, cum dederetur Romanis, qui ad exposcendum
eum T. Quinctium Flamiuinum miserant, veneno mortem
consciit, Philopoemen quoque, dux Achaeorum, vir

^ pervenisset edd. : perueni sed codd.

2 nomina corrupta carrexerunt edd.

^ T. edd. : om. codd.

* cum add. edd.

^ iungente edd. : lugente NP,

400

SUMMARY OF BOOK XXXIX

The consul Marcus AemiKus, having subdued the
Ligurians, built a road from Placentia to Ariminum to
connect with the Via Flaminia. The beginnings of
luxurious living are said to have been introduced into the
City by the army from Asia. All the Ligurians on this
side of the Apennines were subdued. The Bacchanalia,
a Greek rite celebrated by night, the breeding-ground of
all crimes, since it had developed into a conspiracy of
large numbers, were investigated and suppressed by the
punishment of many. The censors Lucius Valerius
Flaccus and Marcus Porcius Cato (the latter the greatest
of men in the arts of both war and peace) expelled from
the senate Lucius Quinctius Flamininus, the brothei'
of Titus, on the ground that while he was holding
the province of Gaul as consul, at the request of a
Carthaginian, PhiHppus, a notorious degenerate whom
he loved, he had, at a banquet, killed with his own hand
a certain Gaul, or, as some say, that he had beheaded a
man under sentence of death at the request of a courtesan
of Placentia with whom he was desperately in love. The
speech of Marcus Cato against him is extant. Scipio died
at Liternum and, as if fortune were bringing them together,
two deaths occurred about the same time of very great
men — Hannibal, who committed suicide by poison when
Prusias, king of Bithynia, with whom he had taken refuge
after the defeat of Antiochus, was about to surrender
him to the Romans who had sent Titus Quinctius Fla-
mininus to demand him, and also Philopoemen, chieftain
of the Achaeans and a very great man, who was poisoned

401

VOL. XI. D D

LIVY

maximus, a Messeniis occisus veneno cum ab his in bello
captus esset. Coloiiiae Potentia ^ et Pisauriim et Mutina
et Parma deductae sunt. Praeterea res adversus Celti-
beros prospere gestas et initia causasque belli Macedonici
contiaet. Cuius origo inde fluxit quod Pbilippus aegre
ferebat regnum suum a Romanis imminui et quod cogere-
tur a Thracibus aliLsque locis praesidia deducere.

^ Potentia Sigoniu-^ : polentia codd^

402

SUMMARY OF BOOK XXXIX

by the Messenians after they had captured him in war.
The colonies of Potentia and Pisaiirum and Mutina and
Parma were founded. In addition the book contains the
victories over the Celtiberians and the beginnings and
causes of the Macedonian war. The origin of this was
found in Philip's anger that his kingdom was diminished
by the Romans and that he was compelled to withdraw
his garrisons from Thrace and elsewhere.

403
D D 2

INDEX OF NAMES

{The References are to Pages)

abbassius, 50
Abderitae, 140
Aburius, M. {tribune ofplebs, 187 B.C.),

224, 230
Acamania, 14, IG; Acamanian, 130;

Acamanes, 28, 36
Achaia, 322, 328; Achaei, 20 {et
passim); Achaiciim concilium, 100
{bis), 338, 372 {ter), 378
Acilius Glabrio, M'. (constd, 191 B.C.),
146, 148, 158, 170, 286, 292, 298,
1 304 {bis)
! Acoridos Come, 50
i Acraeiis, see luppiter
I Adoreus {mountain), 62

Aebutias, P., 242, 244 {bis), 248 {bis),
\ 250, 252 {bis), 256 {bis), 272 {bis);
i Aebutius Pamis, T. {Illvir col-
\ oniae deducendae, 183 B.C.), 394;
i Aebutia {amita P. Aebuti), 248
I {quater)
Aegeum {sea), 206
Aegimn, 98, 100 {bis); Aeglenses, 100

{bis)

Aegjrptus, 58 ; Aegyptii, 58
Aemilius Lepidus, M. {consul, 187 B.C.
and l(ji B.C.), 114, 142 {et passim);
Aemilius Paulus, L. {consul, 182 and
168 B.C.), 152, 160 {bis), 318, 396;
Aemilia {tribus), 120; Aemilia
{uxor P. Scipionis Africani), 200
Aenus, 288 {bis), 300 {bis), 306, 322;

-enii, 138
A.eolis, 54
^.equimeliura, 94
/^esculapii regio, 14
iethopia, 6, 8 {bis)

4.etoIia, 2 {bis), 20, 24, 32, 36, 116, 224
{bis); Aetolus, 130; Aetoli, 2 {et
passim); Aetolicae urbes, 290;
Aetolicum bellum, 146, 280, 304;

Aetolicmn oppidum, 296 ; Aeto-

lica oppida, 292
Airanius Stellio, 0. {praetor, 185 B.C.),

284, 396
Africa, 176, 178, 184, 190, 202, 204
Alabanda, 40 ; Alabaudenses, 40
Alander, 50, 60
Alcibiades, 328 {bis), 332, 340
Alexandria {in Aegypto), 58
Allia, 56

Alpes {mountains), 282, 390, 392 {bis)
Alyatti, 60
Amadocus, 326
Ambracia, 12 {ter), 14 {bis), 16 {bis),

20, 24 {bis), 28 {bis), 30, 32 {bis),

96, 148, 150, 152, 226, 228, 230;

Ambracienses, 20, 28, 30 {bis), 148,

150 {quater), 212; Ambracienses

legati, 146; Ambracius sinns, 12
Amphilochia, 10, 20; Amphilochi, 10

{bis), 18 {bis), 24, 32 {bis)
Amphilochium, see Argos
Amynander, 2 {ter), 4, 6, 8, 28 {bis),

286 {bis), 290
Amyntas, 112
Anabura, 50
Ancyra, 82, 84 {ter)
Annia, Paculla, 252
Antiochla {in Phrygia), 40, 42
Antiochus, 8 {et passim)
Antipater, 52 {bis)
Aoug {river), 170
Apania {soror 8eleuci), 40; Apamea

{in Phrygia), 40, 60 {bis), 122

{quater), 126
Apenninus {mountain), 220 {bis), 222,

400
Aperantia, 10
Apollo, 40, 346 ; Apollonis aedes, 224 ;

ApollLnis fanum, 40; Apollonis

teraplum, 138

INDEX OF NAMES

Apollonia, 10, 140, 142 (bis)

Apuani, 220, 276, 318

Apulia, 308, 362

Aquileia, 282 ; Aquileia colonia, 394 :

AquileieDsis ager, 364
Arcadia, 328

Ardea, 272: Ardeates, 272
Aretho (river), 12 (bis)
Areus, 328 (bis), 332, 340
Argithea, 2, 4, 6 (bis)
Argos, 100 (bis); Ai^os Amphi-

lochium, 32
Ariarathes, 90, 120, 130, 212
Ariminiuin, 222, 400
Arpinates, 118, 120
Arretium, 222
Asia, 2 (et passim) ; Aslatica legatio,

186; Asiaticus exercitus, 234, 400
Asiagenes, see L. Cornelius Scipio
Aspendii, 48
Astii. 136
Athaman^, 2, 6 (bis), 8 (bis), 28, 288,

290 (bis), 296, 298, 304
Athamania, 2 (quater), 4, 6 (ter), 10

(bis), 12, 32, 286 (bis), 288, 296
Athenae, 10, 110, 130; Athenienses,

28, 32 (bis): Atheniensis legatus, 32
Athenaeum (castellum Athamaniae), 6

(bis), 296
Athenaeus (frater Attali et Eumenis),

38, 40, 134, 366
Atilius Seranus, C. (praetor, 185 B.C.),

284
Atinins, C. (praetor, 189 B.C.), 114,

116, 238, 268, 278 (6i5) ; Atinius,

M., 268
Attains Philadelphus, 38 (bis), 40,

42 (bis). 66, 68, 70, 80, 84, 86 (bis),

156; Attalus I, 54, 58, 132, 300
Atticum talentum, 82; Atticum

tetrachmum, 236; attica talenta,

128; Attica tetrachma, 232
Augintis (mountain), 220
Aurelius Scaurus, C. (praetor, 186 B.C.),

234, 240
Ausetanus ager, 396
Aventinus (mountain), 118, 248 (bis),

360
Axius (river), 390
Axylon, 62

BABTLONTA, 58

Bacchae, 242, 244, 252, 254, 256;

Bachanalia, 242, 250, 256, 260, 264,

210 (bis), 272,352,400

Baebius Tamphilus, Cn. (consul, 182
B.C.), 284, 318, 396; Baebius
Tamphilus, M. (consul, 181 B.C.),
290, 320

Baeturia, 310

Baliarica ftmda, 98 ; Baliaris funditor,
98

Ballista (mountain), 222

Belbinates ager, 112

Bellonae aedes, 152, 308

Bendiditun templum, 138

Bessi, 388

Beudi, 50

Bithynia. 52 (quater), 62 (bis), 366, 400

Boius, 356; Boi, 394

Bononia, 222; Bononiensis ager, 222

Bremius, 50 (bis), 212

Brutti, 116

Buxentum, 284

Bvzantium, 50, 52 (bis); Byzantii,
"326

Caechius, A,, 11 6 ; Ca«cilius Denter,
L. (praetor, 182 B.C.), 396 : Caecilius
Metellus. Q. (consul, 206 B.C.), 290,
304, 320, 322, 330, 368

Caeni, 136

Calagurris, 278

Caletranus ager, 394

Calpuruius Piso, C. (praetor, 186 B.C.),
234, 240, 278 (bis), 310. 312 (bis),
314, 316, 342 (bis), 352, 354; Cal-
purniani equites, 314

CalTcadnum (promontory), 126

Campani, 94, 128, 148; Campani
senatores, 336 ; Campana sacerdos,
252; Campanus Cerriuius, Minius,
268, 272

Capena, 94, 190, 196

Capitolium, 56, 94, 110, lit, 168, 178
(ter), 180 (bis), 198, 2^>.n2, 280

Cappadocia, 212

Cappadoces, 92, 120

Capua, 336

Caralitis palus, 46

Caria, 132 ; Cares, 42, 46

Carpetania, 310

Carthago (see also Poentis), 144, 174,
184, 212 ; Carthaginienses, 178, 180,
190; Carthaginienses legati, 144;
Carthaginiensis senatas, 168

Cassander, 324 (bis), 326 (bis)

Cbsob (river), 44

Caulares (river), 46

Celaenae, 40 (quinquietu)

406

INDEX OF NAMES

Celtiberi, 238, 278 {ter), 280, 354 {bis),
396, 402

Cenomani, 222, 224 {bis)

Cephallania, 30, 32, 36, 94, 96, 100,
104, 148, 212, 224, 232; Cephall-
enes, 232

Cerrinius, Herrinius, 252; Cerrinius,
Minius, 252, 268, 272

Chalcidenses, 130

Chei-sonesus, 52, 132, 134, 300, 306

Ohii, 132

Cibyra, 44, 46 {bis)

Cilices, 64

Claudius Cethegus, P., 284, 320, 340,
346, 352 ; Claudius Marcellinus, M.
{praetor, 185 B.C.), 284; Claudius
:Marcellus, M. {consul, 183 B.c.\ 94,
114, 116, 120, 144, 148, 362 {bis),
390 {bis), 394, 396 ; Claudius Nero,
C, 224; Claudius Pulcher, P. {con-
sul, 184 B.C.), 114 {bis), 116, 318
{bis), 320 {ter), 362, 384 {bis);
Claudius Quadrigarius, Q., 8, 140;
Claudius Pulcher, Appius {tribune of
plebs, 191 B.C.; consul, 185 B.C.),
142, 144, 282, 318 {bis), 320 {ter),
322, 324, 328, 330 {bis), 336 {his),
338, 340, 384; Claudiana vis, 320

Olazomenii, 132

Jlitor, 328

Zlobulatus {river), 46

jolophonii, 132

Jombolomarus, 66

Dome, see Hiera, Xyline, Acoridos

Jompasium, 330

Doncordiae area, 396

jorbio, 352

Dorcvraei, 34

:)oreii, 136

loriiithius sinus, 20

'ormasa, 48

'ornelius Cethegus, P. {praetor, 185
ami 184 B.C.), 238, 284, 320, 340,
346, 352; Cornelius Lentulus, Cn.
{Illvir colonial deducendae, 199
B.C.), 364; Cornelius Scipio, L.
{consxd, 190 B.C.), 36 {et passim);
Cornelius Scipio, P. {Pater Africani
maioris), 202; Cornelius Scipio
Africanus, P. {consul, 205 B.C.), 94
{et passim); Cornelius Scipio
Calvns, On. {consul, 222 B.C.), 202 ;
Cornelius Scipio Nasica, P. {consnl,
191 B.C.), 114, 198, 200, 348, 394,
398 ; Gemellus Sisenna, P. {praetor,

183 B.C.), 362 {bis); Cornelius
Sulla, P. {praetor, 186 B.C.), 234,
240; Cornelia Aemilia, {uxor P.
Scipionis Africani), 200; Cornelia
familia, 190, 206; Cornelia gens,
202; Cornelia tribus, 120; see
also Scipiones

Corone, 372

Corragus, 40

Cranii, 96

Cretensis, 40; Creteuses sagittarii,
70; Cretenses, 372

Cuballum, 62

Cymaei, 132

Cyneatis, 100, ^^^

Cypsela, 134, 136'"'^^

DAMOCRITUS, 32

Damoteles, 24, 26

Dardanus, 132; Dardani, 50

Darsa, 48

Decembres idus, 384

Decimius Plavus, C. {praetor, 184

B.C.), 320, 340, 342, 344
Delphi, 164
Demetrias, 286, 294
Demetrius {son of Philip), 326, 368

(6w), 370(^er), 386(<er)
Dentheleti, 388
Deuriopus, 390
Dialis flamen, 342, 362 {bis)
Dianae aedes, 222
Dicaearchus, 32
Dinocrates, 376

Diophanes(J/e<7aZoj9oZito/n/5), 106 {bis)
Dipo, 310

Dolopia, 18, 24, 296; Dolopes, 10, 32
Domitius, Cn. (Ahenobarbus) {consul,

192 B.C.), 36
Drymussa, 132
DuVonia, 242
Dyme, 98
Dyniae, 50

Elaea, 134, 204

Elis, 106

Emiius, Q. {the poet), 196

Ephesus, 8, 36, 38, 92, 122, 130 {ter),

134
Epirus, 12, 142, 212, 326; Epirotae,

12 {bis), 14 {bis)
Eposognatus, 60 {bis), 62, 64
Ericinium, 296
Erigonus {river), 390
Eriza, 44

407

INDEX OF NAMES

Errthraei, 132

Etfaria, 196, 240, 242

Euboica talenta. 30

Eubulidas (Chalcidensis), 130

Eumenes, 38 (et passim)

Eupolemus, 14, 18

Europa, 32, 124, 132, 134, 144, 204

Eumnenae, 292

Gordium, 64

Gordiutichi, 42

Graecia, 30. 130, 160, 164, 176, 280,

304 (?/w), 322 (bis), 334; Graecus,

240; Graeci, 56, GO, 140, 294;

Graeci scriptores, 378; Graecum

sacrum, 400
G-rtheum, 332

Fabits Labeo, Q. (consid, 183 B.C.),
130, 162, 302, 308, 318, 320 (bis),
362 (ter), 396 (bis)

Faliscus (L. Opicemius), 268

Fannius, C. 208

Fecenia Hispala, 244, 246, 248, 250,
252. 256 (?er), 272. 274

Flaminius, G. (consul, 187 B.C.), 142,
148, 150 (bis), 220, 222, 234, 276,
394 ; Flaminius circus, 232 ; Flam-
inia via, 222, 400

Formiani, 118, 120; Formianus
(mountain), 360

Friniates, 220, 222

Fulvius Flaccus. M. 362: Fulvius
Flaccus, Q. (consul, 181 B.C.), 114,
142, 144. 148, 342, 344 (bis), 346
(ter), 396; Fulrius XobiJior, M.
(consul, 189 B.C.), 10 (bis), 12 (et
passim; Fulvius Xobilior, Q.. 362

Fundani, 118, 120

Furius Aculeo, C. (quaestor, 190 B.C.),
192 (ter). 200; Furius Crassip^,
iL (praetor, 187 B.C.), 142, 144, 222 ;
Furius Luscus, M.. 238 : Furius Pur-
purio, L. (consul, 196 B.C.), 152,
160 (bis), 188, 348, 392

Gaiij, 50 (et passim); Galli Transal-
pini, 282, 364; Gallus, 356 (bis),
400; G^lica arma, 58; Gallica
castra, 66; Gallica rabies, 56;
GaUica spolia, 236; Gallici populi,
392; G^llicum bellum, 158; Gal-
licum spolium, 236; GJallicus ager,
222, 362; Gallicus tumultus, 56

Gallia, 116 (ter), 144 (bis), 176, 222,
354, 362, 390. 400

GaUc^raecia, 36, 62; Gallograeci, 58,
154, 156, 212 (ter); Galli (Gallo-
graeciae), 38 (quinquiens), 54 (et
passim)

Gauloms, 66

Gergithus, 132

Gomphi, 6 (bis), 8 (bis)

Gomiocondylum, 294

408

Halts (river), 54, 86, 92, 124

Hannibal, 130 (et passim)

Harpasus (river), 40

Hasta. 278; Hastensis ager, 278

Hebrus (river). 138

Hellespontus, 52, 54, 64, 132, 134, 304

Helvius, C, 44 (bis), 68, 74, 78

Heraclea, 4, 284 (bis)

Herculis aedes, 114

Hiberus (river), 396

Hicesias, 32

Hiera Come, 40

Hispala, see Fecenia

Hispania. 176, 184, 202 (bis), 278, 280,

308, 3iO, 314, 340, 342; Hispania

citerior, 116, 240, 278, 340, 396;

Hispania ulterior. 116, 240, 340,

352, 396; Hispaniae, 116. 238, 362;

Hispani, 202, 310, 312 (ter), 316;

FQspaniensis exercitus, 276, 340:

Hispaniensis gladius. 74
Hister (river), 326
Histria, 394, 396 ; Histricum bellum,

394
Hostilius Cato, A. (praetor, 207 B.C.),

192 (ter), 200; Hostilius Cato. L.

(praetor, 207 B.C.), 192 (bis)

IXSXIABICS mensis, 230; lanuariae
Kalendae, 232

Ilienses. 132

Hlyricimi, 58, 390 ; Illyrii, 20

Indus (river), 44

Ingauni, 318

Ionia, 54 ; lones, 42

Isiondenses, 48 (bis)

Italia, 130, 144 (bis), 156, 162, 252,
256, 266, 268, 270 (bis), 282. 284,
314, 326, 352, 364, 382, 392 (bis)

lulius (Caesar), L. 362 (ter)

luno, 178; lunonis aedes, 222

luppiter, optimus maximus, 708.
198, 230; lovis cella, 198; lovii
Acraei templum, 6 ; Dialis flamen
342, 362 (bis)

luventius Thalna, L., 314, 340

INDEX OF NAMES

LACEDAEMON, 104 (quater), 106, 206,

330, 332, 334, 372; Lacedaemonii,

100 {et passim); Laconica ora, 102

ibis); Laconica terra, 110
Laelius, 0. (consul, 190 B.C.), 116
Lagum, 46
Lamia, 284 (his), 304
Las, 102, 104
Latini, 224; Latinum nomen, 116,

150, 224, 274, 276 (bis), 342; Latini

scriptores, 378 ; Latina colonia, 394

(bis); Latinae feriae, 152
Latium, 224

Leon (Ilicesiae filius), 32
Leusus (Cretensis), 40
Licinius Crassus, P., 364 (bis) ; Licinius

Lucullus, M., 234, 240, 268
Ligures, 116 (bis), 142, 144 (ter), 146,

160, 218 (bis), 222 (quater), 274,

276, 278, 316, 340 (bis), 362, 396,

400 (bis); Ligures Apuani, 220, 276,

318; Ligures Friniates, 220, 222;

Ligures Ingauni, 318 ; Ligustini,

278
Limne, 46
Liternum, 184, 194 (bis), 212, 400;

Literninum praedium, 180
Livius Salinator, 0., 114, 116 (bis),

146; Livius Salinator, M., 224
Locri, 176
Lonorius (regulns Gallograecorum), 50,

62 (bis)
Luna (harbour), 278 (bis), 318
Lusitani, 238, 278, 352, 354 (bis), 396
Lutarius, (regulus Gallograecorum),

50,52
Lycaonia, 124, 132, 156
Lycia, 130, 132
Lycortas (Megalopolitanus), 106 (bis);

Lycortas (praetor Achaeorum), 328,

330, 378
Lycurgus, 112, 114, 322, 330, 334

(qtMter)
Lydia, 132
Lysimachia, 52, 132, 134 (bis), 300,

306
LysLnoe, 48
Lysis (river), 46

MACEDON, 40; Macedonicum bellum,
308, 402

Macedonia, 6 (et passim); Mace-
dones, 4 (quater), 8 (quater), 10, 24,
52, 58, 136, 284 (bis), 298 (bis), 302
(bis), 304, 306 322, 386, 388 (bis)

ilacra (river), 318

Madamprus, 46

Maduateni, 136

Maeander (river), 40 (sexiens), 132

Maenius, T. (praetor, 186 B.C.), 234,
240, 268, 276, 284; Maenium
atrium, 360

Magaba (mountain), 64

Magnesia, 38, 202; Magnetes, 286,
290, 292

Malloea, 296

Manlius, L. (praetor, 188 B.C.), 68,
184; Manlius, M., 56; Manlius, P.
(praetor, 182 B.C.), 396; Manlius
Acidinus, L. (proconsul, 200 B.C.),
114, 116, 238, 278, 308 (bis), 392,
394; Manlius Torquatus Iniper-
iosus, T., 56 ; Manlius Volso, Cn.
(consul, 189 B.C.), 36 (et passim);
Manlius (Volso), L. (praetor, 197
B.C.), 68, 74, 78, 122, 130

Marcius Philippus, Q. (j)ractor, 188
B.C.; consul, 186 B.C.), 114, 116,
231, 240, 272, 274, 276, 278, 282,
372

Maronea, 288 (bis), 300 (bis), 302, 306,
322, 324, 326 (bis); Maronitae, 140,
288, 300 (bis), 302 (bis), 324 (ter)

Marsyas (river), 40; Marsyas Satyr,
40

Marti» viri, 60; Martis templum, 94;
Martins campus, 94; Martiae idus,
116, 362, 384; Martiae Kalendae,
142 ; Martiae nonae, 234

Massilia, 58

Mat«r Magna, 62

Megalopolis, 112 ; Megalopolitani, 106

Mel as (river), 134

Menelais, 296

Menestas, 32

Messene, 372, 374, 378; Messenii,
402

Metropolitanus campus, 50;

Miletus, 42; Milesii, 132

Milyas, 132

Minerva, 178

Minucius Myrtilus, L., 144; Minucius
Thermus, Q. (consul, 193 B.C.), 130,
138, 158, 172, 392

Mnasilochus (Acarnan), 130

Moagetes, 44

Morzi, 90

Mummius, L. (tribune of plebs, 187
B.C.), 188, 190; Mummius, Q. (tri-
bune of plebs, 187 B.C.), 188, 190

409

INDEX OF NAMES

ilutina, 394 (6w), 402
Muttini. 142 {ter)
Mvlaseni, 132
:^y3ia, 132

XaBIS, 206

>'aeviu5. M. {tribune ofplebs, 187 B.C.),

194. 196, 212, 382, 384 {bis);

Naevius Matho. Q. (jiraetor, 184

B.C.), 320, 340, 352
Xaupactiis, 286
Neapolis, 140
Neptuniae aquae, 360
Meander, 2, 14 (?>w), 16, 18
Mcodamiis, 16 (his), 18
^Ticomedes, 52 (Jtef)
^'otium, 132
Numida (Muttines), 142; ^Tumidae,

142

Odrtsae, 388, 390

Oeniadae, 36

Ogulnius G^llus, M. (praetor, 182 B.C.),

396
Olvinpia, 110
OlVmpias, 294
OlVrnpus {mountain), 64 (bis), 66, iu,

84, 90
Onomastus, 324 {bis), 326 (bis)
Opicemius, L., 268
Opis aedis, 280
Orgiagon (regulus Tectosagurn), 82,

84
Oroanda, 122, 130, 156 ; Oroandenses,

60, 64
Oniago (regulus Tectosagurn), 66

PACUT.T.A, see Annia

Paeonia, 58, 390

Palenses. 96

Pamphviia, 48 (ter), 122 (bis), 134;

Pamphvlium mare, 42
Parachelols, 296
Parma, 394 (bis), 402
Parorea, 302
Parthi, 58
Patara, 130
Patrae, 20, 98
Pelagonia, 390
Pelopomiesus, 100, 104, 106, 322, 328,

332, 336, 372 (6w), 386
Perga, 122 (bis)
Pergamum, 38 (bis)
Perranthes, 12

410

Perrhaebia, 296, 304; Perrhaebi, 288,
290 (bis), 292, 294, 296, 298, 302,
322
Perseis, 390

Perseus (rex Macedonum), 284 (bis),
386 (ter) ; Perseus (Philippi filius),
18, 20, 32, 308
Pessinus, 64

Petillialex, 234; Petillia rogatio, 190,
208 ; PetUli duo, 174, 184 (bis), 186,
188, 194, 196
Petillius, ^.(tribune of plebs, 1S7 B.C.),

212
Petra, 296
Pliaeneas, 24, 26
Phaloria, 290

PhUippopolis, 290, 388 (bis)
Philippus (Amyntae filius), 112;
Philippus (Poenus), 354, 400;
PhUippus (rex), 2 (et passim);
PLilippei nummi, 232, 236
Philo (Chalcedensis), 130
Pbilopoemen, 100 (et passim)
Pbocaenses, 132
Phrr^ia, 40, 50, 62, 132, 156 ; Phryges,

56.'58
Phthius (see Thebae)
Picenum, 280, 360
Plena, 296
Piraeus, 130

Pisae, 116, 316 ; Pisanus ager, 222
Pisaurum, 362. 402
Pisidia, 156 ; Pisidae, 42, 48
Placentia, 222, 356, 400: Placentina

(meretrix), 400
Pleminianus tumultus, 176
Pleuratus, 20
Plite, 60

Poenus (Hamiibal), 130; Poenus
(Philippus), 354, 400; Poeni, 154,
158, 184, 202; Punicum bellum,
186, 204
Poetneum, 296
Pollentiae signum, 238
Yol\hius (the historian), 382
Porclus Cato, M. (censor, 184 B.C.;,
186 (et passim) ; Porclus Llcinus, L.
(consul. 184 B.C.), 318, 320 (ter), 344
(bis), 362, 384 (bis), 390; Porcia
basilica, 360
Posturolus Alblnus, A. (praetor, 185
B.C.), 238, 284 ; Postumlus Alblnus,
Sp. (praetor, 183 B.C.), 362 (bis);
Postumlus Albmas, Sp. (consul,
186 B.C.), 234, 240, 242, 248, 252,

INDEX OF NAMES

256, 272 ibis), 282, 284, 364; Post-

umius Tempsanus, L. (praetor, 185

B.C.), 284, 308, 352
Potentia, 360, 402
Priaticus campus, 140
Priene, 42
Propontis, 50, 62
Prusias, 132, 366, 378 {bin), 380 (bis),

382, 398, 400
Pupius, L. (praetor, 183 B.C.), 342, 362

(bis)
Pyrrheum, 14, 16, 18
Pyrrhus, 30, 382

QUIXCTILIUS Varus, T., 314, 340
Quinctius Crispinus, L. (praetor, 186
B.C.), 234, 240, 284, 310, 312, 314,
316, 340 (bis), 352, 354, 394 ; Quinc-
tius Flamininus, L. (brother of
Titus), 354 (ter), 356, 358, 400;
Quinctius Flamininus, T, (consul,
199 B.C.), 30 (et passim)
Quirites, 178 (bis), 186, 212, 258, 262
(bis), 264

Bhodus, 10; Bhodii, 28, 32 (bis),
126, 128, 132, 208

Rhoeteum, 132

Rhotrini fontes, 48

Roma, 8 (et passim), populus Eomanus,
26 (et passim); Romanus (sub-
stantive), 280; Eomani (sub-
stantive), 10 (et passim); Romana
castra, 16, 28; Romana opera, 18;
Romana pax, 176; Romana plebs,
268; Romana pondera, 128;
Romana praesidia, 34 ; Romana
societas, 32; Romana temperantia,
202 ; Romana urbs, 206 ; Romana
virtus, 56; Romanae res, 372;
Romanae stationes, 62, 98 ; Rom-
anas elves, 118 ; Roman! elves, 394
(ter); Romani equites, 316 (bis);
Romanl exercitus, 310; Romani
fines, 266 ; Romani Imperatores,
290, 296 ; Romani legati, 282, 290,
322, 324, 328 (bis), 388, 392;
Romani ludl, 116, 238; Romani
milites, 42; Romani pabulatores
et lignatores, 86; Romani pedltes,
274, 276, 342; Romani praetores,
310 (bis); Romani socii, 310, 328;
Romanum agmen, 42, 312;
Romanum Imperium, 164, 178,
394 ; Romanum nomen, 162, 202 ;

Romanus ager, 282; Romanus
equitatus, 62 ; Romanus exercitus,
54, 156, 332; Romanus magls-
tratus, 392; Romanus miles, 312;
Romanus mos, 264; Romanus
senatus, 168
Rostra, 178 (ter), 180, 182, 190, 198
Rutilius Rufus, P. (the author), 384

Sagalassenus ager, 48

Sale, 140

Same, 98, 100; Samaei, 96 (ter), 98,
100

Sangarius (river), 62 (bis)

Sardinia, 116, 144 (bis), 240, 340, 352,
362

Sarpedonium promuntorium, 126

Saturnla colonia, 394

Scipiones, 8, 188, 190, 196, 200, 210,
214 ; see also Cornelius

Scrlbonlus Libo, L. (curule aedile, 194
B.C.), 284

Seleucla, 58 ; Seleucus (Nicator), 40 ;
Seleucus (Philopater), 42 (bis), 50

Sempronlus Gracchus, T. (father of
the Gracchi), 182 (et passim);
Sempronlus Blaesus, C. (praetor,
184 B.C.), 238, 320, 340; Sempron-
lus Longus, P. (praetor, 184 B.C.),
320, 340, 396; Sempronlus Longus,
Ti. (tribune of plebs), 200 B.C.), 348 ;
Sempronlus Rutllus, T., 242; Sem-
pronlus Tuditanus, M. (praetor, 189
B.C.; consul, 185 B.C.), 116, 282,
"316, 318, 320, 340, 348, 364, 384

Servllius Geminus, C., 364

Slbyllae carmlna, 154

Sicilia, 116 (bis), 144 (bis), 176, 182,
240, 340, 362, 396

Slcinlus, Cn. (praetor, 183 B.C.), 342,
362 (bis)

Sindenses, 46

Slnope, 64

Sipontum, 284

Spartana disclpllna, 58 ; sec also
Lacedaemon

Stertinius, 0. (praetor, 188 B.C.), 114,
116

Stlmula, 250

Stobl, 390

Stratus, 14, 16

Suessetani, 352

Suismontium (mountain), 222

Sulpicius Galba, Ser. (praetor, 187
B.C.), 114, 142, 144, 152, 188, 190,

411

INDEX OF NAMES

230, 318; Sulpicius Galba, Ser.
(praetor, 151 B.C.). 350: Sulpicia,
248 (bis), 250 (W5),'252 (bis)

SyUeum, 46

Synnada, 50

Sypliax, 158, 180, 184

Syracusae, 228; Syracusana hibema,
"l76; Syracusanij 148

Syria, 54 ; Syri, 58

TabAE, 42

Tagus (river), 310, 312 (bis), 314

Tarentum, 144 (bis), 308, 352; Tar-
entini, 58

Taurii ludi, 280

Taurus (mountain), 26 (bis). 38, 52,
54. 92 (bis), 120. 124 (bis), 134, 154,
162 (bis), 164 (bis), 184, 206 (bis),
212 ; Taurus (river), 48

Tectosages (or Tectosagi), 52, 54, 62,
64, 66. 82, 84, ^S, 212

Tepea, 112

Telmessus, 130. 132. 134

Tempe Thessalica, 290

Tempyra, 138

Terentius Culleo, Q. (praetor, 187 B.C.),
142, 144, 190, 200, 208, 224, 234,
318; Ter'^-ntius Istxa, C. (prweVor,
182 B.C.), 396; Terentius Massa-
liota, L. (praetor, 187 B.C.), 142,
144; Terentius Varro, A., (praetor,
184 B.C.), 320, 340, 352, 396

Termessus, 48 ; Termessenses, 46

Tetraphvlia, 4

Thabusibn, 44

Thebae, 292, 294

Theium, 4

Thermopylae, 170, 284

Thessalia, 142, 304; Thessali, 286,
288 (bis), 290 (bis), 292 (ter), 294
(ter), 296 (ter). 298 (bis), 302, 320,
322; Thessalica Tempe, 290

Thessalonica, 300

Theudoria, 4

Thoas (praetor Aetolorum), 32, 130

Thraecia, 50, 58, 134, 136, 158, 170,
172, 218, 286, 300 (bis), 302, 306

(bis), 322, 366, 388 (bis); Thraeces
(or Thraces), 70, 136 (ter), 138, 140
(quater), 158, 172, 288, 324, 326,
372, 402; Thraecia oppida, 288

Thrausi, 140

ThTrreum, 28 (bis)

Tiberis (river), 94, 254, 258

Titium atrium, 360

Toletum, 310

Tolostobogii, 50, 52, 54, 64. 66, 90,
212

Tralles. 132

Train, 70

Transalpini Galli, 282, 364; Trans-
alpini populi, 392

Tricca. 290

Trocmi, 52, 54. 64, 88, 212

Tuccius, M. (praetor, 190 B.C.), 116, 284

Tusci, 394

Tymbris (river), 62

Tyscos, 60

OlBRIA, 282

VALERiUil, plebiscitum, 120

Valerius, C. (praetor, 183 B.C.), 342,
362, 390; Valerius Antias (the
anrwAist), 80, 174, 192, 282. 352, 3r6,
358, 382 (bis), 398; Valerius
Flaccus, L. (censor, 184 B.C.). 348,
350, 352 (bis). 354, 360, 382'(5t.s),
384, 400; Valerius Messala, M.
(consul, 188 B.C.), 56, 114, 116 (bis),
142, 146; Valerius Laevinus, C, 28,
32 ; Valerius Laevinus, M. (praetor,
182 B.C,), 28, 396; Valerius Tappo,
a, 118

Venetia, 282

Vulcani area, 366

Xen-Q, 4, 6, 8 (bis)
Xvline Gome, 48
Xyniae, 296

ZERTXTHIUS, 138
Ziboeia, 52 (bis)
Zmyma«i, 132

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MIAX ETHICS, VICES .\nd VIRTUES. H. Rackham.
ARISTOTLE: METAPHYSICS. H. Tredennick. 2 Vols.

{2nd Imp.)
ARISTOTLE: MIXOR WORKS. W. S. Hett. 3 Vols.

Vol. I., On Colours, On Things Heard, On Physiognomies,

On Plants, On Marvellous Things Heard, Mechanical

Problems, On Indivisible Lines, On Position and Xam.es

of Winds.
ARISTOTLE: XICOMACHEAX ETHICS. H. Rackham.

{2nd Imp. revised.)
ARISTOTLE : OECOXOMICA axd MAGNA MORALIA.

G. C. Armstrong (with Metaphysics, Vol. II. 27id Imp.)
ARISTOTLE : OX THE SOUL. PARVA XATURALIA,

OX BREATH. W. S. Hett.
ARISTOTLE : PHYSICS. Rev. P. Wicksteed and F. M.

Comford. 2 Vols. (Vol. II. 2nd Imp.)
ARISTOTLE: POETICS and LOXGINUS. W. Hamxil-

ton Fyfe; DEMETRIUS OX STYLE. W. Rhys

Roberts. {2nd Imp. revised.)
ARISTOTLE : POLITICS. H. Rackham.
ARISTOTLE : PROBLEMS. W. S. Hett. 2 Vols.
ARISTOTLE : RHETORICA AD ALEXAXDRUM

(with PROBLEMS Vol. II.). H. Rackham.
ARRIAX : HISTORY OF ALEXANDER and INDICA.

Rev. E. Iliffe Robson. 2 Vols.
ATHEXAEUS: DEIPXOSOPHISTAE. C. B. Gulick.

7 Vols. Vols. I-V.
CALLLMACHUS and LYCOPHROX. A. W. Mair;

ARATUS. G. R. Mair.

CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. Rev. G. W. Butter-
worth.
COLLUTHUS. Cf. OPPIAN.
DAPHNIS AND CHLOE. Thornley's Translation revised

by J. M. Edmonds; and PARTHENIUS. S. Gaselee.

{3rd Imp.)
DEMOSTHENES: DE CORONA and DE FALSA

LEGATIONE. C. a. Vince and J. H. Vince.
DEMOSTHENES: MEIDIAS, ANDROTION. ARISTO-

CRATES, TIMOCRATES and ARISTOGEITON : L

and II. Translated by J. H. Vince.
DEMOSTHENES: OLYNTHIACS, PHILIPPICS and

MINOR ORATIONS: I.-XVII. and XX. J. H. Vince.
DEMOSTHENES: PRIVATE ORATIONS. A.T.Murray.

3 Vols. Vol. I.
DIO CASSIUS : ROMAN HISTORY. E. Gary. 9 Vols.

(Vol. II. 2nd Imp.)
DIO CHRYSOSTOM. J. W. Cohoon. 4 Vols. Vol. I.
DIODORUS SICULUS. C. H. Oldfather. In 10 Volumes.

Vols. I. and II.
DIOGENES LAERTIUS. R. D. Hicks. 2 Vols. (Vol. I.

2nd Imp.)
DIONYSIUS OF HALICARNASSUS : ROMAN ANTI-
QUITIES. Spelman's translation revised by E. Cary.

6 Vols. Vol. I.
EPICTETUS. \V. A. Oldfather. 2 Vols.
EURIPIDES. A. S. Way. 4 Vols. (Vol. I.. II., IV.

^ih Imp., Vol. III. ■^rd Imp.) Verse trans.
EUSEBIUS : ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. Kirsopp

Lake and J. E. L. Oulton. 2 Vols.
GALEISt: ON THE NATURAL FACULTIES. A. J.

Brock. {2nd Imp.)
THE GREEK ANTHOLOGY. W. R. Paton. 5 Vols.

(Vol. I. 3rd Imp., Vols. II. and III. 2nd Imp.)
GREEK ELEGY AND IAMBUS with the ANACRE-

ONTEA. J. M. Edmonds. 2 Vols.
THE GREEK BUCOLIC POETS (THEOCRITUS,

BION, MOSCHUS) . J . M. Edmonds, {^th Imp. revised.)
HERODES. Cf. THEOPHRASTUS : CHARACTERS.
HERODOTUS. A. D. Godley. 4 Vols. {Wo\.l. 3rd Imp..

Vols. II.-IV. 2nd Imp.)
HESIOD and the HOMERIC HYMNS. H. G. Evelyn

White. (5M Imp. revised and enlarged.)
HIPPOCRATES AND THE FRAGMENTS OF HERA-

CLEITUS. W. H. S.Jones and E.T.Withington. 4 Vols.
HOMER : ILIAD. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols. {3rd Imp.)
HOMER: ODYSSEY. A.T.Murray. 2 Vols. {^Ih Imp.)
ISAEUS. E. W. Forster.

ISOCRATES. George Xorlin. 3 Vols. Vols. I. and II.
JOSEPHUS. H. St. J. Thackeray and Ralph Marcus.

8 Vols. Vols. I.-V. (Vol. V. 2nd Imp.)
JULIAN. Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols. {Voi. I. 2nd Imp.
LLXIAN. A. M. Harmon. 8 Vols. Vols. I.-V. (Vols.

I. and II. 3>'<i Itnp.)
LYCOPHRON. Cf. CALLIMACHUS.
LYRA GRAECA. J. M. Edmonds. 3 Vols. (Vol. I.

^rd Imp., Vol. II. 2nd Ed. revised and enlarged.)
LYSIAS. W. R. M. Lamb.

MARCUS AURELIUS. C.R.Haines. {3rd Imp. revised.)
MENAXDER. F. G. AUinson. i2nd Imp. revised.)
OPPIAX, COLLUTHUS, TRYPHIODORUS. A. W.

Mair.
PAPYRI (SELECTIONS). A. S. Hunt and C. C. Edgar.

4 Vols. Vols. I. and II.
PARTHEXIUS. Cf. DAPHXIS and CHLOE.
PAUSAXIAS : DESCRIPTIOX OF GREECE. W. H. S.

Jones. 5 Vols, and Companion Vol. (Vol. I. 2iid Imp.)
PHILO. F. H. Colson and Rev. G. H. Whitaker. 9 Vols.

Vols. I. -VII.
PHILOSTRATUS : THE LIFE OF APOLLONIUS OF

TYAXA. F. C. Conybeare. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. 3rd Imp.,

Vol. II. 2nd Imp.)
PHILOSTRATUS : IMAGIXES ; CALLISTRATUS :

DESCRIPTIOXS. A. Fairbanks.
PHILOSTRATUS and EUXAPIUS : LIVES OF THE

SOPHISTS. Wilmer Cave Wright.
PIXDAR. Sir J. E. Sandys. {5th Imp. revised.)
PLATO : CHAR.MIDES, ALCIBIADES, HIPPARCHUS,

THE LOVERS, THEAGES, MINOS and EPINOMIS.

W. R. M. Lamb.
PLATO : CRATYLUS, PARMENIDES, GREATER HIP-

PIAS, LESSER HIPPIAS. H. N. Fowler.
PLATO : EUTHYPHRO, APOLOGY, CRITO, PHAEDO,

PHAEDRUS. H. X. Fowler, {-jth Imp.)
PLATO : LACHES, PROTAGORAS, MENO, EUTHY-

DEMUS. W. R. M. Lamb.
PLATO : LAWS. Rev. R. G. Bury. 2 Vols.
PLATO : LYSIS, SYMPOSIUM, GORGIAS. W. R. M.

Lamb. {2nd Imp. revised.)
PLATO : REPUBLIC. Paul Shorey. 2 Vols.
PLATO: STATESMAN', PHILEBUS. H. N. Fowler;

ION. W. R. M. Lamb.
PLATO : THEAETETUS and SOPHIST. H. N. Fowler.

{2nd Imp.)
PLATO : TIMAEUS, CRITIAS, CLITOPHO, MENEXE-

NUS. EPISTULAE. Rev. R. G. Bury.
6

PLUTARCH : MORALIA. F. C. Babbitt and H. N.

Fowler. 14 Vols. Vols. I.-V. and X.
PLUTARCH : THE PARALLEL LIVES. B. Perrin.

II Vols. (Vols. I., IL, III. and VII. ind Imp.)
POLYBIUS. W. R. Paton. 6 Vols.
PROCOPIUS: HISTORY OF THE WARS. H. B.

Dewing. 7 Vols. Vols. I.-VI. (Vol. I. 2.71(1 Imp.)
QUINTUS SMYRNAEUS. A. S. Way. Verse trans.
ST. BASIL : LETTERS. R. J. Deferrari. 4 Vols.
ST. JOHN DAMASCENE : BARLAAM AND lOASAPH.

Rev. G. R. Woodward and Harold Mattingly.
SEXTUS EMPIRICUS. Rev. R. G. Bury. 3 Vols.
SOPHOCLES. F. Storr. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. tth Imp., Vol.

II. 4th Imp,) Verse trans.
STRABO: GEOGRAPHY. Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols.

(Vols. I and VIII. 2nd Imp.)
THEOPHRASTUS : CHARACTERS. J.M.Edmonds;

HERODES, etc. A. D. Knox.
THEOPHRASTUS: ENQUIRY INTO PLANTS. Sir

Arthur Hort, Bart. 2 Vols.
THUCYDIDES. C.F.Smith. 4 Vols. (\o\.l. ^rd Imp.,

Vols. II. , III. and IV. 2nd Imp. revised.)
TRYPHIODORUS. Cf. OPPIAN.
XENOPHON : CYROPAEDIA. Walter Miller. 2 Vols

{2nd Imp.)
XENOPHON : HELLENICA, ANABASIS, APOLOGY,

AND SYMPOSIUM. C. L. Brownson and O. J. Todd.

3 Vols. {2nd Imp.)
XENOPHON : MEMORABILIA and OECONOMICUS.

E. C. Marchant.
XENOPHON : SCRIPTA MINORA. E. C. Marchant.

IN PREPARATION

Greek Authors

ARISTOTLE : DE CAELO, etc. W. C. K. Guthrie.

ARISTOTLE: ON HISTORY, MOTION AND PRO-
GRESSION OF ANIMALS. E. S. Forster and A. Peck.

ARISTOTLE : ORGANON. H. P. Cooke and H. Treden-
nick.

GREEK MATHEMATICAL W^ORKS. J. Thomas.

MANETHO. W. G. Waddell.

MINOR ATTIC ORATORS (ANTIPHON, ANDOCIDES,
DEMADES, DINARCHUS. HYPEREIDES). K.
Maidment.

NONNUS. W. H. D. Rouse

PAPYRI : LITERARY PAPYRI, Selected and Translated
by C. H. Roberts.

PTOLEMY: TETRABIBLOS. F. C. Robbins.

Latin Authors

CICERO : AD HEREXXIUM. H. Caplan.

CICERO: IX CATILIXA:M. PRO FLACCO, PRO
MURENA, PRO SULLA. Louis E. Lord.

CICERO : DE ORATORE. Charles Stuttaford and
W. E. Sutton.

CICERO: BRUTUS, ORATOR. H. M. Hubbeli and
G. L. Hendrickson.

CICERO: PRO SESTIO, IX VATIXIUM, PRO
CAELIO, DE PROVIXCIIS COXSULARIBUS, PRO
BALBO. J. K. Freese.

COLUMELLA: DE RE RUSTICA. H. B. Ash.

PLIXY : XATURAL HISTORY. W. H. S. Jcne^ and
H. Rackham.

PRUDEXTIUS. J. H. Baxter and C. J. Fordyce.

QUIXTUS CURTIUS: HISTORY OF ALEXAXDER.
J. C. Rolfe.

VARRO : DE LIXGUA LATIXA. R. G. Kent.

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